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Failing Islamic States - 2011

57Chevy

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Tunisian President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali and his family's 'Mafia rule'

As Tunisia's President Ben Ali is granted leave to remain in Saudi Arabia, the lavish lifestyle enjoyed by the president and his family is coming into the spotlight.

Their preferred title was "Tunisia's First Family". To the people they ruled over, though, president Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali and his clan were known as "The Mafia" - a ruling clique whose greed and nepotism ultimately caused their downfall.

Following in the footsteps of Ugandan dictator Idi Amin and numerous other deposed dictators, Mr Ben Ali was granted refuge in Saudi Arabia on Saturday, starting what will likely be a comfortable, if less than dignified, political retirement.

But as millions of Tunisians celebrated the end of his 23-year-long authoritarian rule, it was not just the 74-year-old president they were glad to see the back of.

Far more reviled, it seems, was his second wife Laila, a feisty brunette more than 20 years his junior, who was dubbed "The Regent of Carthage" for her power behind the throne.

A former hairdresser from a humble background, she stands accused of using her marriage to Mr Ben Ali to turn her family, the Trabelsis, into the desert nation's most powerful business clique.

As of Saturday night, the former first couple were keeping a low profile. Mr Ben Ali was reported to have flown into the Saudi Arabian port city of Jeddah, where Idi Amin spent his final years.

Meanwhile rumours circulated that his wife, who is thought to have fled the country separately and beforehand, had headed for Dubai - a destination with which she is said to be well acquainted through shopping trips.

"All President Ben Ali's power and wealth became concentrated in the family, and especially that of his wife," said Saad Djebbar, an Arab political analyst. "He was so arrogant that he undermined his own power base, alienating supporters in the party and the business community."

In public, the country's First Lady had styled herself as one of the Arab world's most progressive female politicians, heading charitable foundations and espousing feminism and women's rights. But critics say that behind the scenes, she pursued an acquisitive agenda that saw her widely-likened to Imelda Marcos of the Philippines.

Few such criticisms ever emerged in Tunisia's tame and highly-censored media - much of which is owned by members of the ruling family. But the government could not prevent Tunisians getting access on the internet to last year's Wikileaks reports, in which former US ambassador Robert F. Godec penned several vivid snapshots of the elite's pampered lifestyle.

In one, he described the astonishing opulence of a lunch date at the house of Mohamed Sakher El Materi, a billionaire businessman who is the president's son-in-law and - until last week anyway - his rumoured heir apparent.

Sitting in a beachfront compound decorated with Roman artifacts, Mr Godec noted that ice cream and frozen yogurt had been flown from St Tropez, and that his host kept a pet tiger in a cage - a habit also shared by Saddam Hussein's late son, Uday.

When many ordinary Tunisians struggled to even find jobs, he later noted, it was hardly surprising that such bling lifestyles did not endear the ruling family to their subjects.

"President Ben Ali's extended family is often cited as the nexus of Tunisian corruption," Mr Godec wrote in a cable to Washington. "Ben Ali's wife, Leila Ben Ali, and her extended family - the Trabelsis - provoke the greatest ire from Tunisians. Along with the numerous allegations of Trabelsi corruption are often barbs about their lack of education, low social status, and conspicuous consumption.

"While some of the complaints about the Trabelsi clan seem to emanate from a disdain for their nouveau riche inclinations, Tunisians also argue that the Trabelsis' strong arm tactics and flagrant abuse of the system make them easy to hate."

Last week, demonstrators in the town of Hammamet, an up-market resort on Tunisia's Mediterranean coast, attacked luxury villas identified as belonging to members of the president's extended clan.

At one mansion, looters filmed themselves on mobile phones as they gleefully set fire to top-of-the-range sports utility vehicles and did wheelies on motorbikes across pristine lawns. According to some reports, local security forces had even suggested they loot the Trabelsi mansions rather than attack the police station.

Since then, rioters have turned their attentions to the Trabelsi's business empire, looting shops and supermarkets identified as belonging to them.

There are, it seems, no shortage of potential targets. Leila's brother Belhassen alone is said to own an airline, several hotels, two of Tunisia's private radio stations, and a car assembly plant.

As Ambassador Godec noted, many foreign investors found it hard to operate in the country without giving a cut of their business to member of the ruling family. The McDonalds burger chain - not often hailed as the champion of ethical business practice - lost the chance of a franchise in Tunisia because of its refusal to grant it to someone with "family connections".

Just how much of their empire the Trabelsi family will be able to hold on to now that their chief patron has gone remains to be seen.

The president himself is said to have a personal fortune of around £3.5 billion, although last night, Tunisia's old colonial ruler, France, said it had taken steps to ensure "suspicious financial movements" through its financial system would be blocked.

Meanwhile, Ben Ali's son-in-law, Mr Materi, was said to have holed up in a £300-a-night VIP suite at hotel at Disneyland Paris, along with his wife Nesrine, 24, and other hangers-on. Four Tunisian bodyguards were said to be camped in the hotel lobby.

"The Tunisian Embassy in Paris was the first place they stayed, but when expat Tunisians started demonstrating outside they decided to move out to Disneyland," said a source at the theme park.

"The problem is that the entourage is so large that people started to notice them immediately. The women are dressed in designer clothes and look like princesses, covered in expensive jewellery, and Mercedes limousines are coming and going all the time."

In any case, they may not be able to stay much longer. on Saturday night a French government spokesman said members of the former ruling family were not welcome on French soil "and should leave".
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It is becoming ever so easy to understand the turmoil in that little 'family' country. ::)

Wife of ousted Tunisian leader took $59 million in central bank gold

Tunisians were enraged to discover on Monday that the former president's wife, Leila Trabelsi, took 1.5 tons of gold from the central bank when she and her family fled to Dubai.

Intelligence officials in Paris told Le Monde, the French newspaper, that Mrs Trabelsi visited the bank last month, when protests were gathering momentum, and instructed the governor to hand over gold ingots totalling $59 million.

Although he initially refused to comply, the personal intervention of the former president ensured that the gold was handed over.

The disclosure of Mrs Trabelsi's final act of avarice angered Tunisians, but did not surprise them. The first lady's love of opulence and her reputation for grasping corruption made her and her equally unpopular nephews the country's principle hate figures.

Three days after they ousted their president, Tunisian protesters returned to the streets of Tunis on Monday to demand the complete purge of former regime loyalists from government positions.

article continues at link.....
                              (Reproduced under the Fair Dealings provisions of the Copyright Act)

now where is that hand clapping emoticon when I could use one. ;D



 
More about X president, Zine El Abidine Ben AliFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Photo:
2nd President of Tunisia
In office
7 November 1987 – 14 January 2011

and his second wife, or first lady of Tunisia since 1992,
Leila Ben Ali/born Leila Trabelsi also From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Photo:
Leila Ben Ali chaired a meeting of the Arab Women Organisation
in November 2010
                              (Reproduced under the Fair Dealings provisions of the Copyright Act)
 
Tunisia Unrest Stirs Passions Across North African Region
TUNIS — Passions unleashed by the revolution in Tunisia continued to resonate across the region on Tuesday as a man in Cairo was reported to have set himself ablaze, the latest apparent imitation of the self-immolation that set off the uprising here a month ago.
On Monday, an Egyptian and a Mauritanian became the fifth and sixth North Africans to burn themselves. On Tuesday, The Associated Press reported from Cairo, security officials said an Egyptian man, apparently inspired by events in Tunisia, set himself on fire outside the prime minister’s office in the center of the Egyptian capital. The man’s medical condition, identity and motives were not immediately clear. A day earlier, Abdo Abdel Moneim, a 50-year-old Egyptian restaurant owner, poured a gallon of gasoline over his head and set himself ablaze outside the Parliament building on Monday morning in downtown Cairo. Around the same time in Mauritania, Yacoub Ould Dahoud was setting fire to himself in his parked car near Parliament in Nouakchott.

And on Sunday, Senouci Touat of Mostaganem, Algeria, 34 and unemployed, set himself on fire in his hometown, the fourth attempted self-immolation in his country since the Tunisian street revolt exploded in furious demonstrations in recent days. And while there were no immediate signs that their actions inspired widespread protests, as the victims all apparently intended, the immolations stood as gruesome testimony to the power of the Tunisian example.

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57Chevy said:
It is becoming ever so easy to understand the turmoil in that little 'family' country. ::)

Wife of ousted Tunisian leader took $59 million in central bank gold

Tunisians were enraged to discover on Monday that the former president's wife, Leila Trabelsi, took 1.5 tons of gold from the central bank when she and her family fled to Dubai.

1.5 tons of gold?  Equivalent to a cube .427 meters in size if anyone is interested. Not exactly something that you could stick in your purse and walk out the door with.
 

Threat to fortune of Tunisia's dictator


Tunisian officials promised Wednesday to investigate the vast fortune of the former president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and his relations as Switzerland froze the exiled dictator's assets there.

Members of The Family dominated the Tunisian economy, owning banks, businesses, factories, resorts and vast land holdings.

By conservative estimates, Mr Ben Ali's immediate family had a $7.96 billion fortune, while brothers and sisters of his hated wife, Leila Trabelsi, accumulated even more.

The hasty departure of 30 or more family members has brought the Tunisian economy to its knees - 43 banks, 66 shops and 11 industrial plants have been destroyed by protesters.

The official TAP news agency said that a judge had accepted a petition by prosecutors to investigate bank accounts, property and other assets. Demonstrators have demanded swift action to seize Ben Ali assets inside the country and cash abroad. Few believe the interim government led by Mr Ben Ali's former acolytes has the stomach for the task.

As the UN put the number killed in the uprising at 100 and Tunisia freed all political prisoners, Michele Calmy-Rey, the Swiss foreign minister, said the assets of known associates of Mr Ben Ali would be frozen for three years.

Tunisia's central bank took over a bank controlled by Sakher El-Materi, one of Mr Ben Ali's sons-in-law in the first such move against the family's assets. Since the 74-year-old president sought refuge in Saudi Arabia on Friday, Tunisians have looted the properties of notorious figures, including the president's four wealthy sons-in-law and Mrs Ben Ali's brother Belhassan.

In a French expose, Mrs Ben-Ali herself was dubbed the Queen of Carthage for her imperious and greedy behaviour. Moncef Cheikhrouhou, who was forced to sell his shares in a family press group to a relative of the president, said he hoped a commission created by the Justice Ministry would reverse acquisitions resulting from corruption. "They behaved like a mafia that reaped money from all sectors of the economy," he said.

The French government is under pressure to seize property held by the Tunisian first family including apartments in Paris, and villas on the Riviera.

Meanwhile, Foued Mebazaa, Tunisia's interim president promised a "total break" with the past and hailed the "martyrs of dignity and liberty".

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Clapping emoticon
 
Ben Ali's family 'not welcome in Canada'

MONTREAL, Jan 22, 2011 (AFP) - Relatives of Tunisia’s ousted president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali have arrived in Canada, a government official in Ottawa told AFP on Saturday.

One of Ben Ali’s many brothers-in-law arrived in Montreal Friday morning aboard a private jet accompanied by his wife, their children and a governess, the official said, confirming a report by the website of Le Journal de Quebec.

Ben Ali’s wife Leila Trabelsi has several brothers, and neither source specified which one had arrived in Canada.

The family had reportedly checked into a hotel in Montreal.

An official at Citizenship and Immigration Canada said Ottawa was not offering asylum to Ben Ali’s family.

“Mr. Ben Ali, deposed members of the former Tunisian regime and their immediate families are not welcome in Canada,” said spokesman Douglas Kellam, who declined to comment on any specific cases for privacy reasons.

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Updated Photo:
A picture taken on December 13, 2010 shows Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali at Tunis-Carthage airport.
Photograph by: FETHI BELAID, AFP/Getty Images

 
???  not welcome one day, welcome the next
_____________________________________________

Tunisian dictator’s relatives came to Canada as permanent residents: Kenney

The relatives of ousted Tunisian president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali who arrived in Canada are permanent residents and not asylum-seekers, Immigration Minister Jason Kenney said Sunday.

Kenney, attending a Conservative party meeting in Ottawa, said some members of Ben Ali’s family “are permanent residents” and “have the right to be in Canada.”

He spoke days after one of Ben Ali’s many brothers-in-law arrived in Montreal aboard a private jet accompanied by his wife, their children and a governess, according to news reports confirmed by a government official.

Ben Ali’s wife Leila Trabelsi has several brothers, and the official declined to say which one had arrived in Canada. The family reportedly checked into a hotel in Montreal.

A spokesman for a Montreal-based group formed to support Tunisians who have risen up against Ben Ali’s government told The Montreal Gazette he was dismayed to hear that Canada had allowed the ex-president’s relatives into the country.

“We’re very disappointed that Canada has accepted these people who are directly related to the dictatorship and to the family that has been ruling Tunisia for the past 23 years,” said Haroun Bouazzi, of the Collectif de solidarite au Canada avec les luttes sociales en Tunisie.

Bouazzi, who was born and raised in Tunisia but has lived in Canada for the past 11 years, said the Canadian government should have refused entry to Ben Ali’s family even if they were carrying the proper documentation.

“When Ben Ali left Tunisia, he was still president, and countries like Malta and France didn’t accept him even then,” he said. “Countries always have a choice to be on the side of the Tunisian people.”

An official at Citizenship and Immigration Canada said Saturday that Ottawa was not offering asylum to Ben Ali’s family.

Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia this month after weeks of violent protests against his iron-fisted rule.

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January 21, 2011
Authorities have said they arrested 33 members of Ben Ali's family for crimes against the state. On Friday, Interior Minister Ahmed Friia named one of those held as Imed Trabelsi, a nephew of Ben Ali's wife Leila.

"Regarding our ability to track down those relatives of the ex-president and his wife who ran away, fleeing from Tunisia will not help them," he told a televised news conference. "Tunisia has treaties with countries all over the world."

full article:
Tunisia to pay abuse victims, hunt Ben Ali clan

 
As soon as anyone touches Canadian soil, no matter who they are, with documents or not, they have all the Charter rights and freedoms as someone born here.
 
Rifleman62 said:
As soon as anyone touches Canadian soil, no matter who they are, with documents or not, they have all the Charter rights and freedoms as someone born here.

I would even say, more rights than a native born Canadian.  :-\
 
Rifleman62 said:
As soon as anyone touches Canadian soil, no matter who they are, with documents or not, they have all the Charter rights and freedoms as someone born here.
True dat, but not EVERYONE touches down here as (what sounds like) already-processed Permanent Residents (old term:  Landed Immigrants).  If this quote is correct ....
.... Kenney, attending a Conservative party meeting in Ottawa, said some members of Ben Ali’s family “are permanent residents” ....
.... this suggests to me (and I stand to be corrected) that some on the late-night plane from Tunis, at some point, were all of the following, according to Citizenship and Immigration Canada:
.... To be eligible for a PR Card, you must:

    * be a permanent resident of Canada
    * be physically present in Canada
    * not be under an effective removal order
    * not be a Canadian citizen or a registered Indian under the Indian Act and
    * not be convicted of an offense related to the misuse of a PR card
 
The Department of Foreign Affairs said in an email to CBC News that individuals are allowed in the country as long they have the proper papers and are not wanted by a foreign government
-
-
At least five family members, including Ben Ali's brother-in-law, arrived in Montreal by private jet on Thursday morning, and most were carrying permanent resident cards, government sources told CBC News.

The Canadian government, fearing that more are trying to come to this country, is monitoring airlines to try to prevent that, the same sources said.

full article:
Updated article: Monday, January 24, 2011 | 6:14 AM ET

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Tony, I was not questioning "already-processed Permanent Residents" status. That info was in a post above which I have a habit to read before posting my .02 cents.
A fact was stated as I understand our Supreme Court ruling.
 
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More Interest in Business than Human Rights


Tunisian Revolution Forces a Rethink in Europe

01/25/2011
By Katharina Peters
SPIEGEL ONLINE
LINK


The fall of the regime in Tunis took the European Union by surprise and exposed France's contradictory policy. The tumult is now threatening to spread to other North African countries, with further protests. The Europeans are now forced to rethink their position: Should they be pushing for democracy or stability?

This is clearly not one of his favorite issues to discuss. Nicolas Sarkozy lowered his head and stared at the paper in front of him on the lectern. "Behind the emancipation of women, the drive for education and training, the economic dynamism, the emergence of a middle class -- there was despair, a suffering, a sense of suffocation," he said. "We have to recognize that we underestimated this." There had been unbearable corruption in Tunisia, he added.

At a press conference on Monday, the French president went into damage-control mode. For years, France and the European Union have courted former Tunisian dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali -- and damaged their reputations in the process. They pursued economic and security interests, but ignored human rights.

As Tunisians took to the streets by the thousands in protest, they couldn't count on any support from Europe. Only days before he fled, French Foreign Minister Michèle Alliot-Marie said she wanted to lend the "knowhow" of French police to help Ben Ali maintain order, even after police had fired on protesters. Her colleague, Culture Minister Frédéric Mitterand, said the country was not an "unequivocal dictatorship," and suggested that describing Ben Ali as a dictator was "completely exaggerated."

"The Europeans did what the French wanted. They thought that Ben Ali would be a bulwark against terrorism and that's why they had to accept his dictatorship," said Daniel Cohn-Bendit, the head of the Green Party in the European Parliament. Even as the pressure continued to mount on Ben Ali, the best the EU member states could come up with was an agreement to continue to follow the developments more closely. Within hours, Ben Ali had fled. The EU's role never went beyond monitoring the situation from afar.

The EU's Hard as Nails Pursuit of Own Interests

Now critical voices are growing within the EU, with demands for a shift in policy. In hindsight, it had been a mistake to back authoritarian regimes, said Rainer Stinner, a foreign policy expert with the business-friendly Free Democratic Party (FDP) in the German parliament. He said EU countries had placed too great an emphasis on stability while giving human rights short shrift. Ruprecht Polenz, the foreign policy spokesman in parliment for Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservative Christian Democratic Union, also conceded that fears of Islamists had led to the wrong policies for the North Africa region. Speaking to the Rheinische Post newspaper, he said: "We need a strategy that promotes freedom and rule of law."

But what would this policy entail? The European Union is based on values like democracy, the rule of law, human rights, basic freedoms that are all anchored in the Lisbon Treaty, and the EU's strategy with the North African nations has also been based those principles. The problem is that the EU hasn't pushed them very hard. "The EU is considered a force of good, but what it actually engages in is hard as nails pursuit of its own interests," says Annegret Bendiek, an EU foreign policy expert at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) in Berlin. "The EU has to ask itself whether it wants to work together with countries where human rights are trampled on." Bendiek said it was important for the EU to be more determined in its approach. "Muddling through as they have done up until now will not lead to more effective policies," she said.

Scandinavian countries, in particular, are interested in clear words from the EU and will be pushing for a greater observance of human rights. And the Maghreb issue is likely to be on the agenda at the next meeting of the EU foreign ministers on Jan. 31.

How Much Sway Does EU Have in North Africa?

The European Union could soon face the next test. Trouble is also brewing in Tunisia's neighboring country. On Sunday, a man died in Algeria after setting himself on fire. A similar act of self-immolation sparked the Tunisian insurgency in December. Opposition groups in Algeria have already been protesting for weeks, pushing for democracy and the lifting of a national state of emergency that has been in effect ever since it was imposed in 1992. On Sunday, police used force to break up a protest leaving dozens of people injured.

There were protests in Yemen as well over the weekend. Thousands demonstrated in the capital Sana'a demanding the resignation of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who has ruled the country for the past 32 years. On Friday, demonstrators were out in several Jordanian cities too, pushing for an end to the government there.

Still, it is unclear whether the European Union has the political clout to apply pressure in many countries in the region. When it came to Tunisia, the lever was clear: 73 percent of Tunisian exports end up in the EU while 72 percent of the country's imports come from the bloc. Brussels, however, showed little interest in promoting democracy and human rights in the country.

With countries like Libya, Algeria and Jordan, however, EU economic ties are not strong enough to exert much pressure. Plus, the EU relies on oil and gas deliveries from many countries in the region.

Human Rights Activists Critical of EU Negotiations with Libya

Plus, when it comes to Libya, the EU hasn't proven overly concerned with human rights issues. President Moammar Gadhafi, an international pariah just a few years ago, is seen in Brussels as a vital ally in the attempt to reduce illegal immigration across the Mediterranean from Africa. Indeed, human rights activists have recently been highly critical of EU negotiations with Tripoli aimed at an agreement whereby Libya would take back refugees apprehended in the Mediterranean. But conditions in refugee camps in Libya, say activists, are atrocious: Would-be emigrants are thrown into overpopulated prisons and often abused. Recently, the European Parliament managed to put a halt to further talks between the EU and Libya.

It comes down to a conflict between values and realpolitik. It is unlikely that the EU will radically change its approach to the Middle East. Still, European Commissioner Stefan Füle, who is responsible for the EU Neighborhood Policy, which maintains diplomatic and economic programs with 16 neighboring states, regards respect for human rights as extremely important, Bendiek points out.

Cohn-Bendit, for his part, is more skeptical. "Mr. Füle has good intentions, but he doesn't have much freedom to act." More important, Cohn-Bendit says, would be a clear pledge to support human rights. "It is difficult to take a clear position," he says. "But it is unavoidable."

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Rifleman62 said:
Tony, I was not questioning "already-processed Permanent Residents" status. That info was in a post above which I have a habit to read before posting my .02 cents. A fact was stated as I understand our Supreme Court ruling.
(Belated) seen
 
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Televising the Revolution


Tunisia's Sudden Press Freedom

01/21/2011
By Ulrike Putz in Tunis
SPIEGEL ONLINE

LINK


Tunisian media have witnessed an abrupt and jarring change: After years of oppressive censorship, all restrictions have vanished. Newspapers report freely, journalists work through the night -- and it seems as if every Tunisian wants to talk politics.

"Castles in France, Bank Accounts in Switzerland, Real Estate in Argentina!" screams a headline on the front page of a Tunisian newspaper. "We've begun the hunt for Ben Ali's riches," reads the subtitle on Wednesday's edition of Al Chourouk, which means "dawn."

A competing paper wants to attract readers, too. It shows a photo of a person going up in flames. The story tells about the jobless young academic who set himself on fire and sparked a month of street demonstrations that brought down the Tunisian government last week -- only to inspire similar self-immolations across the Arab world. The foreign suicides are meant to start more revolutions, according to the newspaper As Sarih, which roughly means "unvarnished" or "the raw truth."

Both of Tunisia's largest papers have undergone a radical change since last Friday. A portrait of the country's former leader, Zine Al Abidine Ben Ali, used to adorn their front pages. Today they've turned on him with a vengeance.

'All the Dams Have Broken'

Ben Ali's escape from the country last weekend was zero hour for Tunisia's freedom of the press. The next important step was taken by the interim government. "The Information Ministry will not be re-staffed," declared Tunisia's new interior minister, Ahmed Fria. "The press is free." Tunisia leaped from the bottom of annual rankings of media freedom in the Arab world to the very top. Lebanon -- until now -- was traditionally the best place for journalists to work in the region.

"All the dams have broken," says a bleary-looking Shekir Bisbes. Since the regime collapsed the radio reporter for Tunisia's most popular private broadcaster, Mosaique FM, has hardly been home. The station has switched from reporting three or four news bulletins per day to round-the-clock live coverage. Political analysis and reports from the street alternate with call-in shows: The hunger of listeners for information is as keen as their eagerness to chat. After 23 years of enforced silence, Tunisians like nothing more than talking politics.

Many staffers at Mosaique FM don't go home even to sleep. "Our technicians have moved here," says Bisbes, showing a conference room full of mattresses.

A Happy Man

In spite the lack of sleep, Bisbes is a happy man these days. At last he can ply his trade. "When I started reporting live from the demonstrations, I felt like a real journalist for the first time," he says. But he wants to keep a cool head. "We're being careful to report in a balanced way, so we don't throw in with just one side," he says. But in a debate over the legitimacy of the interim government, there was only one worthwhile position. "We were on the people's side," he says.

Bisbes enjoys his new role but warns against exaggerating the power of Tunisia's newly liberated journalists. For decades the people were used to learning about the real situation on the ground without the help of a trustworthy media. "Now everyone is talking about how this was an 'Al-Jazeera' revolution," Bisbes complains. "But that's unbelievably exaggerated. Facebook, Twitter and Al-Jazeera all just amplified an impulse that came from the people themselves." Shortly after the unrest started, Al-Jazeera, the TV news channel based in the gulf state of Qatar, began intensive coverage.

Nuredine Butar, the editor-in-chief at Mosaique FM, spent years under intense pressure from the government -- raids, threatening nighttime phone calls, a constant fear of going to jail. "We tried to produce as much good journalism as possible within the limits set for us," he says. Sometimes it didn't work. To give an example, he roots out an old fax.

It's dated October 2010, when a kidnapping scandal broke. The nephew of President Ben Ali was locking horns with a competitor over an export license. When the competitor wouldn't back down, the nephew arranged for the man's young son to be kidnapped. The news was passed on from person to person and then the radio station jumped on the story. The next morning a fax arrived: A judge had forbidden Mosaique FM to follow the story any further.

Yes, It Was State Propaganda

Just a week ago, the main news program of the Tunisian state TV broadcaster was a potent cure for insomnia. Every evening it started with long reports about Ben Ali's day: The president met with his ministers; the first lady dines with embassy wives. Five years ago Walid Abdallah took a job at channel TV7 anyway. "Since then, my family has always accused me of selling my soul," the TV reporter says.

For this reason last Saturday was extremely special for him. When he came home from work after the fall of Ben Ali, his mother was overjoyed. "Suddenly she's full of pride," says the 34-year-old. Hours earlier, the broadcaster had switched its political stance. Union members on staff went before the cameras to admit they had produced nothing but state propaganda for years. They were done with that now, they said. They would also change the broadcaster's name: Instead of TV7 -- which referred to Ben Ali's seizure of power on Nov. 7, 1987 -- the channel would be called National Tunisian TV.

The name change went against the will of the company's directors. "They wanted to keep everything the way it had been," says Abdallah. Like the bosses, many top staff also had close ties to the regime. "Friends and relatives of party bigwigs all got cushy jobs with us," Abdallah claims. Those who were loyal to the government have now, suddenly, become the disadvantaged. "They used to set the tone around here, but now they seem kind of meek," he says. He doubts they'll last long. "The government loyalists still have jobs here," he says. "For now."

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Intoxicated by Freedom


Reinventing Tunisia at Record Speed

01/24/2011
By Mathieu von Rohr and Volkhard Windfuhr in Tunis
SPIEGEL ONLINE

LINK


Tunisians are intoxicated by their newfound freedom. The media is publishing long-suppressed sentiments, while activists form new parties and young people hold heated debates on street corners. But the country is facing huge challenges in its bid to become a modern democracy, and it will hardly be possible to stick to the deadline for new elections.

The 18 men and women have formed a circle, with some sitting and others standing. They are holding one of the first editorial meetings ever convened at La Presse, a daily newspaper in the Tunisian capital Tunis. They discuss the tremendous things happening in their county and what should appear in tomorrow's paper.

They are intoxicated with newfound energy. Now they want to do all the things they have never done before. They want to tell the stories that will stir the country, stories about the little bookshop around the corner displaying formerly banned books, about how stores are gradually reopening their doors but food shortages continue, and about how people on the street are criticizing the new government. All of that is supposed to appear in the next day's edition.

They also want to write articles about the social networking Internet platform Facebook, which has become an alternative source of news for the country's youth. They are even considering downloading and printing images circulating online of police violence and destruction from all over the country.

Still, they are not completely sure how far they should allow themselves to go. They debate and argue over whether they should criticize individual ministers who are particularly incompetent and whether they should identify all the authors of opinion pieces by name.

Euphoria and Apprehension

Faouzia Mezzi is leading the meeting. While the autocratic former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali still ruled the country, there were times when she was banned from writing articles. Today, she is having a hard time restraining those staff members who would prefer to change everything immediately. "We first need to see if we can even publish a newspaper at all," she says. "Be patient."

At the time, it had only been five days since Ben Ali, Tunisia's dictator for 23 years, fled the country, and only the fifth day that the country had enjoyed freedom of the press. No one gave it to these journalists; they simply took it. While the country was rising up against the regime, they launched their own revolution.

But there appear to be limits to the new freedom. The interim government shut down the country's most popular private television station, Hannibal TV, on Sunday night. The New York Times, quoting Tunisia's state news agency, reported that the government had arrested the station's owner, which it accused of treason for broadcasting "false information likely to create a constitutional vacuum and destabilize the country." A spokesman for the station, which had criticized Ben Ali's government in the past, said that it had been shut down without warning and called the move a violation of freedom of the press.

By Monday morning, however, the station had resumed broadcasting, apparently after an opposition member of the interim government intervened. Observers in Tunisia told the New York Times that the network's shutdown damaged the interim government's credibility and said that the fate of the station would be seen as a test of the state's commitment to press freedom.

Practicing Self-Censorship

La Presse, which appears in both French and Arabic versions, is one of the country's oldest newspapers. Like almost all media sources in Tunisia, it is government-owned, meaning the state appoints its senior editors. During the dictatorship, those editors would dictate the issues to be covered, as well as censor anything that could upset the regime. Naturally, the journalists also practiced self-censorship. Indeed, until the revolution, La Presse was little more than a bland mouthpiece for government statements.

On Friday, January 14, 2011, even before Ben Ali and his family had been chased out of the country, the paper's staff allowed itself to be infected by the same lust for freedom that had gripped the entire country. They stripped the editor in chief of power and designated a group of 10 people to be in charge of managing the paper.

The former editor in chief still has his office with its leather chair and he can be spotted skulking along the corridor, but he no longer has any say. The journalists formerly under his charge have been busy discovering what it means to live in a free society -- just like people throughout Tunisia these days.

Back at the meeting, Olfa Belhassine from the paper's culture section proposes an editorial entitled "Who's Afraid of Press Freedom?" She adds that, in her 20 years of working in the media, she has always dreamed of writing just such an article. The next day, it appears in the paper.

An Orderly Revolution

In the newspaper's offices on the Rue Ali Bach Hamba in Tunis, you can sense all of the emotions the Tunisians have experienced since driving their dictator out of the country. There is the euphoria that has broken out as people look forward to a new era. But there is also the fear that it could all soon be over. With each passing day, the fear dissipates a little.

In the week since Ben Ali was toppled, Tunisians have experienced a social transformation of terrifying speed. Each day, those in power make new concessions to the protesters on the streets. On Tuesday, January 18, Mohamed Ghannouchi, the prime minister who had briefly served as acting president, left the old ruling RCD party. On Thursday, he was followed by the rest of the ministers. Then, the party's central committee was dissolved, and a minister from the old regime stepped down. In its first meeting, the new cabinet resolved to grant amnesty to all political prisoners and to give legal standing to all political parties, including those of the Islamists.

It is an orderly revolution. The streets are still swept, and the streetcars still keep to their schedules while winding their way through the crowds. The capital's main railway station made it through the protests with only a bit of fire damage. A ticket inspector there is proud that not a single long-distance train was cancelled.

Saved by the Military

At least in the minds of many Tunisians, the military saved the country. In just a few days' time, they succeeded in subduing the murderous forces loyal to the departed dictator and putting the police in their place. Last week, when it looked like the transitional government might suddenly collapse again, many were even hoping that the army would intervene. But it remained in the background.

Toward the end of last week, the situation appeared to have stabilized, although there were still tanks on the streets, and soldiers were stationed along the major promenades and in front of government buildings.

But the situation in the capital Tunis remains tense. On Monday, police used tear gas on protesters who had defied an overnight curfew to gather in front of the prime minister's office, where they shouted anti-government slogans. The demonstrators are unhappy that many of Ben Ali's cronies are still in power. Schools were due to reopen after being closed during the unrest, but teachers reportedly went on strike in a protest against the interim government. Some students apparently joined protests instead of going to school.

'Revenge Is Only a Minor Matter'

In the waiting room outside the office of Ahmed Ibrahim, the newly appointed minister for higher education and scientific research, there is still a nail on the wall where the portrait of Ben Ali hung until just a few days ago. His satisfied-looking face, which used to be seen all over the city, has now vanished.

Ibrahim, an imposing 64-year-old with a round head, had been jailed by Ben Ali a number of times. But now he is a member of the government. During the most recent presidential elections, in 2009, he was allowed to run for office; Ben Ali's regime wanted to use him to give a veneer of legitimacy to the proceedings. Officially, he received 1.57 percent of the vote.

"Revenge is now only a minor matter," Ibrahim says in his poorly lit office in the Ministry of Higher Education. He doesn't want to see what happened in Iraq happen here; he doesn't want there to be a witch hunt against former members of the RCD. Around one-tenth of Tunisia's population of 10 million belonged to the former ruling party, but most of them did so as a matter of convenience rather than because they were die-hard supporters.

In Ibrahim's opinion, only the real criminals should be prosecuted. What's much more important, he says, is to focus on preparing for free elections. The country's constitution stipulates that they need to be held within 60 days, but Tunisia currently has few organized political parties. The country needs more time, Ibrahim says. He thinks it will take six or seven months.

Street Democracy

On the streets, at least, democracy has already arrived. Avenue Habib Bourguiba, a large boulevard in downtown Tunis, has developed into a political forum where people can hold impassioned debates. All of them hate the old elite. But, when it comes to the future, they have very different ideas.

On Thursday afternoon, there are dozens of young men with short beards and sunglasses standing on the boulevard. "God has done all of this," one says, before going on to advocate a religious government. Another one is arguing with a young woman wearing makeup. She says she is afraid of these people, that she's anxious about the possibility of the Islamists becoming a major political force. At the moment, nowhere else in the Arab world do women enjoy as many rights as they do in Tunisia; nowhere else can you see so many women without headscarves.

For the time being, the Islamists are only a scattered minority, and experts interviewed by SPIEGEL believe they could at best only secure 20 percent of the vote. But, over the course of the week, they made their presence felt more and more on the streets in their efforts to whip up sentiments against "imported ideas."

More than anything, most of the demonstrators want to see an end to corruption. And the protesters are by no means only educated young people who organize themselves on Facebook. Their ranks also include people like Khaled Gasmi, a gaunt 57-year-old man with a moustache, who played for Tunisia's national team during the 1978 football World Cup. Gasmi says that Fouad Mebazaa, the interim president, is part of the old regime and just as corrupt as Ben Ali.

Dawning of a New Era

Just a few steps away, a man walks down the street wearing a green fez. His name is Maatoug Mohsen, and he's on his way to a meeting to found a new Green Party for Tunisia. For years, Mohsen worked as a tour guide, and now he wants to devote himself to the two issues that concern him the most: the battle for sustainable development and the fight against pesticides in agriculture.

These are the times for founding new parties and entering into serious debates. Tunisia is living through its first days on the way to becoming a democracy.

The symbols of the new era are the destroyed palaces of the presidential clan, which bore the brunt of the population's rage. That anger was directed primarily at the villas of the Trabelsis, the family of the president's second wife, who were notorious for their shameless self-enrichment. The houses of this family's members, located in the rich suburbs of Tunis, now lie in ruins after having been looted. Thousands of people make pilgrimages to them -- including many families with all their children in tow -- curious to see the ruins of the dictatorship with their own eyes.

One particularly tasteless and gaudy building was the palace of Belhassen Trabelsi, the brother-in-law of Ben Ali. These days, the only thing left of the formerly two-story property, which has its own park, is the bare brickwork. The interior has been burnt to a crisp and gutted; even the window frames have disappeared. The floors are strewn with garbage, such as a package of hair dye, a receipt from a Dolce & Gabbana store in Paris and a piece of paper from a school civics course with "Constitution: The Foundation of the State" written in a child's hand.

When they witness the damage, many of the visitors become upset. As they see it, the houses should be preserved and handed over to the people. Even so, they all share in the widespread hatred toward the expelled family. "They were thieves," says Dorra Kallel Chtourou, a young women in business attire who came here on her lunch break with one of her coworkers. She works for LG Electronics, the South Korean electronics giant. She explains how Belhassen used to smuggle stereo systems and washing machines into the country and have his people sell them on street corners for half the going price.

This is just one of the many stories being told about the clan whose proximity to the state's supreme ruler allowed it to ruthlessly enrich itself. The clan's members even had their own type of license plates so that the police would leave them in peace.

Molding the New Tunisia

The man charged with coming up with a vision for the new Tunisia is Yadh Ben Achour. He enters his private library wearing a black running suit and sits down under a portrait of his grandfather, who was an important religious scholar.

Hardly any place seems as far removed from the demonstrations and wrangling of last week as this room, located on the top floor of a massive villa in La Marsa, a wealthy coastal town near Tunis. Thousand-year-old examples of Islamic calligraphy hang on the wall, while display cabinets hold pocket watches from the Ottoman era.

Ben Achour is a writer and lawyer. A worldly man as well as a Koran scholar, he belongs to an old aristocratic Tunisian family and is widely respected. He is an intellectual who wears thin, black metal glasses and speaks French with a perfect Parisian accent. In May 1968, when he was studying law in Paris, the police beat him on the head with truncheons.

Ben Achour says that it wasn't economic necessity that drove the country's youth to revolt. Instead, it was the climate of oppression within the system, of which having a distinct set of license plates was merely one example.

He has been given the job of heading the commission for political reform. In this role, he will have a hand in inventing and significantly shaping the new Tunisia. Even if he won't be making decisions alone, he says it's clear what he personally wants Tunisia to become: a country with a democratically elected parliament, guided by a government and a prime minister. He also concedes that the country needs a president, but he say the position should only be granted a limited amount of power.

"That's the essence of democracy," Ben Achour says. "Whoever wins cannot completely savor his victory. That's what it's all about."

At the moment, he doesn't know how he will arrive at that goal. The remaining members of the commission haven't even been named yet. In any case, he believes that the country needs much longer than just two months before it can hold elections.

But Ben Achour also says that if India, with its many languages and enormous population, can become a democracy, Tunisia, with its well-educated population, can also manage to become the most progressive and modern country in the Arab world.

Translated from the German by Josh Ward

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Reproduced under the Fair Dealings provisions of the Copyright Act.

A Tunisian Islamist Heads Home


'The Rest of the Old Guard Must Go'

01/24/2011
SPIEGEL ONLINE

LINK


With the new Tunisian government in flux, exiled Islamist leader Rachid Ghannouchi is returning home. He spoke with SPIEGEL about why the new government isn't much better than the toppled regime and how Europe's silence prolonged the dictatorship.


Conversation on LINK

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Mohamed ElBaradei on Democracy in Egypt


'There Is No Turning Back Now'

01/25/2011
SPIEGEL ONLINE

LINK


After the revolution in Tunisia, observers are wondering if governments in other North African states could also fall. In a SPIEGEL interview, Egyptian Nobel Peace Prize laureate Mohamed ElBaradei talks about the consequences for the regime in Cairo and his hope that Egyptians can copy the Tunisians' example.


Conversation on LINK

 
All of North Africa may be following suit:


Reproduced under the Fair Dealings provisions of the Copyright Act.

Shouts of 'Tunis' and 'down with Mubarak' at Egypt protests.

Egypt protests and the demonstration effect of Tunisia

By Dan Murphy, Staff writer / January 25, 2011
The Christian Science Monitor

LINK


Egyptian democracy activists gathered to protest in Cairo and at least 3 other Egyptian cities today, taking inspiration from the popular uprising that toppled the Ben Ali in Tunisia.

The protests on "Police Day," in which the government had hoped to rally public support for the continuing rule of President Hosni Mubarak and his National Democratic Party -- which exerts the same iron grip over formal politics in Egypt as President Zine Al Abidine Ben Ali's Constitutional Democratic Rally did in Tunisia until just a few weeks ago -- appear to be some of the largest in Egypt for years, at least.

Egyptian activists have been inspired by the swift, almost formless popular uprising that toppled one of the most ruthless police states in the Arab world (Correspondent Kristen Chick wrote a strong piece on the genesis of the Tunisian uprising).  They've been organizing online for the past week, with commitments from almost 100,000 people on a Facebook page to join the protests today.

From the looks of the protests so far, turnout is probably short of 100,000. The English-language website of Al Ahram has been posting running updates on the day's events.  By 3 pm in Cairo, Al Ahram had reported "thousands" of protesters chanting "Tunis" had spilled out onto the corniche along the Nile in Central Cairo, hundreds of protesters in the industrial Nile Delta town of Mansoura, hundreds of protesters in the Mediterranean city of Alexandria and small protests in Aswan and Assuit.

Back in Cairo, the Arab worlds largest city and with more residents than Tunisia and Lebanon combined, activists reported that average citizens were joining a protest shouting "down with Mubarak" in the sprawling and very poor neighborhood of Shubra, which is home to millions.

The Egyptian security forces, too, have had time to prepare AFP is reporting that over 20,000 police have been deployed in central Cairo alone. Egyptian human rights groups are reporting dozens of activists arrested in Cairo, Assuit and Tanta. In Cairo in the late afternoon, riot police were massing near the Interior Ministry -- a hated and feared symbol of government repression in most Arab states -- to prevent protesters from getting near the building.

Still, the day looks like at least an organizational victory for Egypt's democracy movement, which had appeared to run out of steam in recent years with protests generally attended by the same small circle of commited activists and a government crackdown on independent journalists and bloggers. One element that was missing today was the organized support of the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's largest and best-organized opposition group.

The Islamist movement, which saw hundreds of its activists arrested in the run up to Egypt's November parliamentary election, sat this one out. That election, the most fraud-marred in Egypt in decades, saw the Brotherhood's representation in Parliament reduced to a postage stamp, and some senior members received lengthy prison terms for their political organizing.

Though the Brotherhood could mobilize large numbers on the streets, and some of the secular activists who helped organize today's protests reached out to the group, the movement’s calculation appears to be that it has more to lose than to gain by a confrontation now.

Protests in Egypt are nothing new. In March 2003, about 10,000 Egyptians took to the streets of Cairo to protest the US invasion of Iraq in a demonstration that quickly evolved into a protest against the heavy-handed autocracy of President Mubarak, who is closely tied to the US in the eyes of the Egyptian public.

In 2005, after mass demonstrations in Lebanon helped drive Syria out of Lebanese politics (at least for a time), a group of pro-Palestinian and democracy activists coalesced around the slogan Kifaya -- "Enough" -- and managed a series of mid-sized protests against Mubarak before petering out in the face of heavy-handed police tactics and rigged elections.

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