I’m thinking that China will both explicitly cancel all US soy purchases, and cancel the agreement to supply critical metals to the US…
www.independent.co.uk
www.reuters.com
nypost.com
kioncentralcoast.com
Well sure, of course Trump’s executive branch is going to tell Congress that Trump’s executive branch doesn’t need the approval of the legislative branch. Maybe the matter will end up with the judicial branch.Justice Department tells Congress Trump doesn’t need its approval for military strikes on alleged drug boats
(CNN) — A senior Justice Department official has told Congress that the Trump administration can continue lethal military strikes on alleged drug traffickers without congressional approval and that the administration is not bound by a decades-old war powers law, two congressional sources familiar with the matter told CNN.
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Justice Department tells Congress Trump doesn’t need its approval for military strikes on alleged drug boats
By Sean Lyngaas, CNN (CNN) — A senior Justice Department official has told Congress that the Trump administration can continue lethal military strikes on alleged drug traffickers without congressional approval and that the administration is not bound by a decades-old war powers law, two...
Presidents and Instances of Bombings Without Congressional Approval
The U.S. Constitution grants Congress the power to declare war (Article I, Section 8), but presidents, as Commanders-in-Chief (Article II), have often initiated military actions, including bombings, without explicit congressional approval. The War Powers Resolution of 1973 aims to limit such actions by requiring notification to Congress within 48 hours and withdrawal of forces after 60 days without congressional authorization, but presidents have frequently bypassed or interpreted this flexibly, citing national security, existing Authorizations for Use of Military Force (AUMFs), or their Article II powers. Below is a list of U.S. presidents since World War II who have ordered bombings without explicit congressional approval for specific actions, based on historical examples and the provided context.
- Harry S. Truman (1945–1953)
- Korea (1950–1953): Truman authorized bombing campaigns during the Korean War under UN Security Council resolutions, bypassing a formal congressional declaration of war. Critics argue this set a precedent for unilateral executive action.
- Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953–1961)
- Guatemala (1954): Eisenhower ordered CIA-led airstrikes to support a coup against the Guatemalan government. No specific congressional approval was sought for these covert operations.
- John F. Kennedy (1961–1963)
- Cuba (1961): Kennedy authorized the Bay of Pigs invasion, which included airstrikes, without explicit congressional approval.
- Vietnam (early 1960s): Limited bombing operations began under Kennedy’s escalation in Vietnam, relying on executive authority rather than specific congressional authorization.
- Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–1969)
- Vietnam (1964–1969): Johnson expanded bombing campaigns (e.g., Operation Rolling Thunder) based on the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution (1964), a broad authorization critics argue did not constitute specific approval for the scale of operations.
- Richard Nixon (1969–1974)
- Cambodia (1969–1970): Nixon ordered secret bombings of Cambodia (Operation Menu) without notifying Congress, later revealed by leaks, prompting significant backlash and contributing to the War Powers Resolution.
- Vietnam and Laos: Expanded bombing campaigns relied on existing authorizations or executive authority, often without specific congressional approval.
- Gerald R. Ford (1974–1977)
- Cambodia (1975): Ford ordered airstrikes during the Mayaguez incident, citing the need to rescue U.S. personnel. This was reported to Congress under the War Powers Resolution but lacked prior approval.
- Jimmy Carter (1977–1981)
- Limited evidence exists of Carter ordering significant bombing campaigns without approval. Some sources suggest he avoided large-scale airstrikes, but small-scale operations may have occurred under executive authority.
- Ronald Reagan (1981–1989)
- Libya (1986): Reagan ordered airstrikes on Libya (Operation El Dorado Canyon) in response to terrorist attacks, citing self-defense under Article II powers, without seeking congressional approval.
- Lebanon and Grenada (1983): Air support was used in both interventions without specific congressional authorization.
- George H.W. Bush (1989–1993)
- Panama (1989): Bush ordered Operation Just Cause, including airstrikes, without specific congressional approval, citing protection of U.S. citizens and interests.
- Iraq (1991): While Congress authorized the Gulf War, some initial airstrikes and deployments were justified by Bush under executive authority before the resolution was passed.
- Bill Clinton (1993–2001)
- Somalia (1993): Airstrikes supported U.S. operations without specific congressional approval.
- Bosnia (1993–1995): Clinton ordered airstrikes as part of NATO operations without explicit congressional authorization.
- Kosovo (1999): Clinton authorized NATO-led airstrikes in Serbia/Kosovo, continuing beyond the War Powers Resolution’s 60-day limit, arguing implicit congressional approval through funding. Critics challenged this as unconstitutional.
- Iraq (1998): Operation Desert Fox involved airstrikes without specific congressional approval, relying on prior AUMFs.
- Sudan and Afghanistan (1998): Airstrikes on al-Qaeda targets followed embassy bombings, justified under executive authority.
- George W. Bush (2001–2009)
- Afghanistan (2001): Airstrikes followed the 9/11 attacks under the 2001 AUMF, which broadly authorized force against al-Qaeda but was not specific to all targets bombed.
- Iraq (2003): While Congress passed the 2002 AUMF, some argue the extensive bombing campaign exceeded the scope without further specific approval.
- Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia: Drone strikes and airstrikes targeted terrorists, often without specific congressional authorization, relying on the 2001 AUMF.
- Barack Obama (2009–2017)
- Libya (2011): Obama ordered airstrikes as part of a NATO campaign without congressional approval, arguing the actions didn’t constitute “hostilities” under the War Powers Resolution. This was highly controversial.
- Syria (2014–2017): Airstrikes against ISIS relied on the 2001 and 2002 AUMFs, despite debate over their applicability, without new congressional approval.
- Iraq (2014–2017): Renewed airstrikes against ISIS used existing AUMFs.
- Yemen, Somalia, Pakistan: Extensive drone strikes targeted militants, justified under executive authority and the 2001 AUMF, with no specific congressional approval. In 2016, the U.S. dropped 26,171 bombs, mostly in Syria and Iraq.
- Afghanistan: Continued airstrikes, with a 40% increase in 2016, relied on prior authorizations.
- Donald J. Trump (2017–2021, 2025–present)
- Syria (2017): Trump ordered missile strikes in response to chemical attacks, citing Article II powers and the 2002 AUMF, without specific congressional approval.
- Yemen (2017–2025): Airstrikes against Houthi targets, including in 2025, were conducted without congressional authorization, prompting bipartisan criticism.
- Iran (2020, 2025): The 2020 drone strike killing Qassem Soleimani and the 2025 airstrikes on Iranian nuclear facilities (Fordow, Natanz, Isfahan) were ordered without congressional approval, justified as defensive actions under Article II. These actions sparked significant debate, with some lawmakers calling them unconstitutional.
- Afghanistan, Somalia, Iraq: Continued drone strikes and airstrikes relied on existing AUMFs.
- Joe Biden (2021–2025)
- Syria (2021): Biden ordered airstrikes on Iranian-backed militias without specific congressional approval, citing self-defense and existing AUMFs.
- Yemen (2024): Airstrikes on Houthi targets in response to Red Sea attacks lacked specific congressional authorization, drawing criticism from lawmakers.
- Afghanistan, Somalia: Limited airstrikes continued under prior AUMFs.
Sure, that remains in line with what I just said. The executive pushes the agenda of the executive.
