Welcome to the horns of a dilemma...
How America’s War on Iran Backfired
Tehran Will Now Set the Terms for Peace
NATE SWANSON is a Resident Senior Fellow and Director of the Iran Strategy Project at the Atlantic Council. He served as Director for Iran at the National Security Council between 2022 and 2025. In the spring and summer of 2025, he served on the Trump administration’s Iran negotiating team.
Trump could continue to prosecute the war in Iran by persisting with his devastating aerial campaign. But this is already yielding diminishing returns, given that the U.S. military has already struck most of its targets. The alternative is to put American boots on the ground. That comes with awful risks and is precisely what Trump, as a presidential candidate, repeatedly pledged never to do. But it may be the only way to ensure an Iranian regime more amenable to his demands. Trump may also consider smaller, more targeted operations related to maritime security or Iran’s nuclear program. But these, too, would pose significant risks to American soldiers and likely prompt retaliation—and there is little chance that they would lead to Iran’s capitulation.
Alternatively, Trump could outsource the war by arming political or ethnic factions that oppose the regime in Tehran. That would be a recipe for disaster: mobilizing the Kurds or any other ethnic separatist group would keep many anti-regime Iranians at home and fragment the opposition. Such a move could result in the deaths of a few more Iranian soldiers, but it would be highly unlikely to meaningfully diminish the regime’s ability to repress internal dissent. It would also risk exacerbating regional conflict and driving mass migration.
That leaves one option: try to achieve a formal cease-fire. Theoretically, of course, Trump could simply declare that the degradation of Iran’s military and the killing of Khamenei constitute victory and walk away. But this is harder than it sounds. He cannot unilaterally stop Tehran from attacking U.S. assets or the Gulf states. Iran would rather fight a protracted war with the United States now than repeated wars with Israel in the coming years. Even if the United States unilaterally withdraws from the fight, if a future Iran-Israel conflict looks inevitable, Iran will likely continue targeting U.S. interests in the region as well as the Gulf states and energy infrastructure.
Iran’s strategic objective now is to impose such high costs on the United States and the Gulf states that Trump will opt for a cease-fire that includes a restriction on future Israeli actions. In essence, Iran wants to force him to choose between Israel’s security interests and the stability of global markets. The bottom line is that the war Trump started has no good ending. And every day it goes on seems to delay a better future for the Iranian people. This is a tragedy that only Khamenei and Trump, together, could engineer.
Seventeen years ago, while serving as an Iran desk officer in the U.S. State Department, I asked a more veteran colleague about the latest inflammatory statement by Mahmood Ahmadinejad, then the Iranian president. My colleague responded: “Stop paying attention to Ahmadinejad. Only focus on...
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