- Reaction score
- 36
- Points
- 560
This theory seems to be the underpining of so much of what passes for political discourse today: PC speech codes, "equity" legislation and all the other things that make your head spin. The fact that it is written in such a way as to be almost unintelligable makes it hard to refute in any formal academic way (at least for me, the common sense test tells me its wrong...........). Luckily the counterpoint does the heavy lifting.
http://tim.blogware.com/blog/_archives/2007/3/13/2802419.html
http://tim.blogware.com/blog/_archives/2007/3/13/2802419.html
Jon Rawls and Theories of Distributive Justice
by Tim on Tue 13 Mar 2007 02:50 PM EDT | Permanent Link
The following is a short explanation of Jon Rawls' basic concepts of justice produced by a classmate of mine Gideon Christian. My comments on Rawls' theories follow below. Gideon explainserhaps the most important principle propounded in the past 35 years has been the Difference Principle. It is the second of two principles proposed by Rawls in his A Theory of Justice and they are:
1. Each person has an equal claim to a fully adequate scheme of equal basic rights and liberties, which scheme is compatible with the same scheme for all; and in this scheme the equal political liberties, and only those liberties, are to be guaranteed their fair value.
2. Social and economic inequalities are to satisfy two conditions:
(a) They are to be attached to positions and offices open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity; and
(b), they are to be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged members of society.
As can be seen, the second principle (the Difference Principle) is the departure from strict equality, as it tolerates inequalities that arise if and only if they benefit the least advantaged members. The conception of Rawls’s two principles and their justification come from an analytical tool term by Rawls as the original position. This original position is a social contract fiction created by Rawls that imagines persons coming together to agree upon principles of justice to guide their society. In order to be just, this imaginary congress must be fair.Rawls terms this “justice as fairness”. What this means is that, like Themis, all the participating persons are blindfolded with what he calls a “veil of ignorance”. The veil prevents any of the persons from knowing their personal attributes, and therefore when hey come together to determine principles of justice they are not biased and will not attempt to propose a principle for their own gain at the expense of someone else (because in that situation they will not know if they will be the winner or the loser fromsuch a principle). Rationally therefore, the persons veiled in ignorance will choose the principles that will most benefit the least-advantaged persons (because this will guarantee them a certain allowance of benefits – Rawls terms this the maximin rule). The original position is not actually static; it must undergo continual revision as it is checked against actual society; society and the original position change in response to each other until they reach what Rawls calls “reflective equilibrium”, a state of affairs where things can be said (by reference to the original position) to be just. Rawls’s two principles have attracted a number of criticisms including those that say that inequalities in wealth produced by the difference principle will always produce inequalities in basic liberty (hence setting principle 2 at odds with principle 1), and that the difference principle views natural talents of individuals as a collective asset to be exploited.
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Denton responds: I find these kinds of reflections engaged in by some legal theorists to be completely mad. Not just ridiculous, but mad. The distribution of which Rawls speaks cannot be realized short of the most comprehensive tyranny. And he never speaks of the real distributive injustice, which is cognitive ability. No one actually is proposing to level intelligence, are they? Are we proposing that everyone have an IQ of 100? Or 110?How many IQ points are you ready to have knocked off your mind to realize the goal of equality? Zero? I thought so. There was a great line in the movie Sniper (?), which is set in war-torn Stalingrad. After having lost a girl to Zaitsev's charms, the Communist intellectual, who has been tasked with writing propaganda about the famous Russian sniper, realizes that there will never be a society without envy, that even in the most egalitarian of social distributions there will always be something to envy: love, the favours of a woman, beauty, anything. He is talking to Zaitsev in a shelter while Zaitsev is waiting with great patience for the German sniper to reveal himself. With the realization of the futility of communism - that equal distributions of wealth will somehow change human nature - he shows himself. Bullet through the head from the German sniper. Zaitsev waits until the German sniper steps out a drills him. Those who think about equality need to consider how infinitesimal a difference can give rise to that most powerful of human emotions, envy. Envy is a very dangerous force that keeps entire societies from succeeding, because the success of the driving person is intolerable to those less successful. (Remember the joke about the Russian peasant who is told he can have half of anything he wishes upon his neighbour, and he says: "Make him blind in both eyes"?. This is a deep clue to what holds Russia back). It is only the caprice of luck that makes social inequality endurable. If you lived in the perfect scheme of distribution, your place in the scheme of things would be determined by your merits, character, and work, and would be unaffected by whether you were born into a rich family, tribe or nation, and got along well with your parents and uncles who favoured you to rise in society. Conversely, your low place on the social hierarchy would not be a matter of luck, but would be the reflection of innate deficiencies. How intolerable! A meritocracy would be the most completely intolerant and intolerable form of society, because its snobbery and exclusionary practices would be about substance rather than accidents of appearance, class, fashion or birth. The optimists keep pounding away on the virtues of energy, persistence, hard work and determination. I agree with them. But the backdrop against which this makes sense is a world ruled by chance: drought, depression, war, sickness, accident, and the vastly unequal distribution of beauty and intelligence. We all know this. Why don't legal theorists talk about it more?

