An Afghan solution: Redefine the mission
NORMAN SPECTOR
From Thursday's Globe and Mail
July 11, 2007 at 11:30 PM EDT
It's unclear whether Prime Minister Stephen Harper has changed his mind about Afghanistan, but he's certainly shifted his rhetoric. Where once he would play for time by promising to put any extension to a vote, he's now saying he won't ask our troops to carry on absent a parliamentary consensus. Tuesday, for the first time, he even spoke of the need for a “new mission.”
To be sure, Mr. Harper is simply acknowledging what he wrought by giving up the power to take Canada to war with the stroke of the prime ministerial pen – a commendable reform that Britain's new leader, Gordon Brown, proposes to emulate. Still, you have to wonder whether he regrets not having put the onus squarely on the opposition parties last year. When I asked him a few days after the vote why he vowed to prolong the mission for a year if the House of Commons turned down a two-year extension, Mr. Harper said that Canadian troops were doing very hard work and that we owed it to our allies to be in Afghanistan.
Naive? Yes. Principled? That, too. But, to this day, critics lambaste the Prime Minister for having played wedge politics. Pish. Had the opposition killed the mission, Mr. Harper would be sitting atop a majority government.
Instead, with casualties mounting, the Afghan mission is badly tangled in domestic politics, and Mr. Harper's government, too, is bleeding. Still, both the Bloc Québécois and the Liberals have hinted at some willingness to carry on in some fashion, and therein lies an opportunity.
Mr. Harper should begin by giving Canadians the unvarnished truth about the mission's prospects. But his fundamental challenge was best expressed by British Labour MP Aneurin Bevan in a magisterial parliamentary speech at the height of the 1956 Suez crisis: “When a nation makes war upon another nation, it should be quite clear why it does so. It should not keep changing the reasons as time goes on.”
Under Jean Chrétien, it was never made clear why Canadian troops were in Afghanistan – unless it was to make up for their not being in Iraq. Under Paul Martin, the parliamentary debate on the dangerous Kandahar deployment was a one-night affair that went virtually unreported. And Mr. Harper has been shifting his rationale for the mission, while comporting himself more like a backroom boy engaged in spin wars than a wartime prime minister.
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is now staring at the prospect of a humiliating defeat in a United Nations-sanctioned mission. This explains why the Democratic Party leadership supports an increase in U.S. troop strength; our British allies, too, draw a clear distinction with the Iraq war. Indeed, Britain is boosting its forces in Afghanistan by 25 per cent, and a new ambassador is warning that a 30-year commitment will be necessary to rebuild the country.
Still, Canadians are understandably disturbed to see French and Italian soldiers deployed in relatively safe Kabul and Herat. But were we simply to give notice that we wanted out of combat in Kandahar, it would constitute a serious blow to Canada's reputation. To paraphrase former Liberal foreign minister John Manley, we would be seen by the world to be excusing ourselves to go to the washroom, now that the bill has arrived.
It's because of that reputation that we've not been successful in persuading our allies to bear their fair share of the burden, a lacuna the Prime Minister noted Tuesday. But he might still be able to turn that situation around by stipulating Canada will only agree to stay in Kandahar beyond 2009 if other NATO members agree – in proportion to their capabilities – to match our commitment.
By putting to good use his minority status in Parliament, the Prime Minister has an opportunity to safeguard Canada's reputation. Canadians would then have to hope that, in considering Mr. Harper's proposal, opposition leaders would also keep in mind that, if the Taliban were to return to power, horrific human-rights scenarios could result. And that, if we'd not at least made an offer to continue the tough slogging, Canadians could awake one morning and not be able to look themselves in the mirror.