The perilous charms of Rick Hillier
LAWRENCE MARTIN
From Thursday's Globe and Mail
Unstoppable. Immensely persuasive. Steeped in Newfoundland charm. Magnetic leader. More impressive than any politician in Ottawa.
Ask about a soldier named Rick Hillier and the superlatives never cease. General Hillier, Chief of the Defence Staff and author of our role in Afghanistan, has the facts at the ready -- and can make them dance. He is too good to be true. And, maybe, too good for our own good.
Gen. Hillier has owned Ottawa since taking over as Canada's top soldier 18 months ago. Everything falls in his wake, including half a century of more moderate military tradition. Paul Martin couldn't resist his convictions, and neither could Stephen Harper and the editorial boards of newspapers across the country.
Eugene Lang, the chief of staff to Liberal defence ministers John McCallum and Bill Graham, watched as Gen. Hillier bent the nation's capital to his will. "He's remarkable," said Mr. Lang. "The problem is, there isn't anyone who can take him on with a counter world view. He blows them away."
"Kind of like of Robert McNamara, you mean?"
Pause.
"Well, maybe."
Mr. McNamara, the secretary of defence under John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson and the principal architect of the Vietnam War, had a similar kind of silver-tongued magnetism. Commandingly articulate, he cast a spell. Regrettably, Mr. Kennedy and, to a greater degree, Mr. Johnson fell under it.
Paul Martin may be having second thoughts about coming under Mr. Hillier's sway. The last time I talked to him, the former prime minister recalled how he had received assurances from Gen. Hillier that our Afghan role would be limited enough so as to leave sufficient military resources for a peacekeeping mission in Darfur, or Haiti or the Middle East. "That was what we agreed on," Mr. Martin emphatically noted. So much for the agreement. The Department of National Defence now says there isn't the capability.
Another commitment was made in 2005: The combat part of the Afghan mission was to last only a year. Gen. Hillier was okay with that Liberal cabinet decision. But this pledge, too, would be discarded. The good general became gung-ho about making the mission a long-term one. Mr. Harper got quickly on board and rushed a motion through Parliament for an extension.
Gen. Hillier hasn't been pressed to explain the changes in his position. The casualties mount, meanwhile, and the Taliban gain strength. And Canadians start turning against this mini-war.
Appearing undaunted, he invokes the great wartime cliché: "We must support our troops." But who doesn't support our troops? It's a given that we back them. It's also true that a noble form of support might be in brandishing truths that will lead to their returning home -- alive.
Some of our soldiers might appreciate that kind of support. In the face of the daily horrors of Iraq, many Americans are now displaying that kind of support. They wished they had done so earlier.
It is not to say we should pack up and leave Afghanistan. Our democratically elected Parliament has made a commitment. The mission's goals are admirable. It is not to say that any mini-Vietnam is in the making or that Gen. Hillier will be blinded to the realities on the ground like a Robert McNamara -- or like the Bush administration in Iraq.
Canadians would do well, however, to hear from Gen. Hillier and Mr. Harper and those analysts who supported the Iraq war. What lessons might they have learned? Undeterred, unembarrassed, they continue to avidly support the war option in other places.
Like the more than 100,000 soldiers in Iraq, Canadian troops in Afghanistan are fighting a terror insurgency. The seeming futility of the U.S. effort raises questions as to whether traditional methods of warfare work when the nature of the enemy, no longer a nation-state, has changed so much.
A lesson of the quagmire of the 1960s and of Iraq is to beware the word of the military. Be skeptical of the black and white pictures they draw. As Gen. Hillier continues to cast his spell, we should hope that he and his political overseers have taken note.
We're on the treadmill now. When the military starts to gain control of the terms of the debate, when the clichés of war start pounding the psyche, an inevitability sets in.
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