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Using our military muscle - from the front page of the Globe and Mail

This, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail is, actually, a follow on from the videos, especially the second one the Globe and Mail posted yesterday:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/time-to-lead/military/dont-write-off-the-future-of-peacekeeping/article1776922/
PETER LANGILLE
Don’t write off the future of peacekeeping


PETER LANGILLE

Special to Globe and Mail Update
Published Friday, Oct. 29, 2010

The enduring loyalty of Canadians to United Nations peacekeeping should not be treated – as it often is these days – as an unwanted remnant of the past. Canadians are correct in believing that peacekeeping has a vital role to play in the increasingly challenging world of global conflict.

Contrary to the impression often left by our political leaders, peacekeeping has not died, nor has the demand for it dissipated. There are currently 122,000 peacekeepers from 115 countries deployed in 15 UN operations worldwide.

This growth is unprecedented – although largely unknown in Canada, since our soldiers have largely disappeared from UN peacekeeping operations during the past dozen years.

The new generation of UN operations is considerably different than the earlier operations, which concentrated on separating belligerent forces from opposing states through the use of lightly armed multinational forces.

Today, complex multidimensional UN operations are used to respond to civil war and conflicts within weak or failing states. These involve a wider array of tasks, new military, police and civilian participants, as well as carefully integrated, comprehensive approaches. In addition, efforts at peace-building now accompany almost every peacekeeping operation to ensure essential governance structures are in place.

Contrary to popular perception, these new UN operations are seldom light or lame. They are authorized under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which allows for the use of force in self-defence and in defence of the mission. Since 2000, a high priority has been given to robust force compositions with a deterrent capacity. And most operations have also included a mandate to protect civilians at risk – which may involve peacekeepers countering aggression.

It’s no longer fair to fault the UN for ad hoc efforts that formerly required each new peacekeeping operation to “reinvent the wheel.” The lessons learned from extensive experience have been consolidated and institutionalized. UN capstone doctrine – circulated in 2008 – now provides procedures for more than 80 operational requirements from mission start-up to fuel transport.

Encouraging developments are increasingly evident. Professional management and planning practices have revitalized the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations. In the field, the innovations range from mobile operating bases, special operations units and quick-impact projects to joint mission analysis cells. Intelligence and advanced technology for surveillance – once contentious in UN circles – are increasingly recognized as essential for situational awareness and safety.

In addition, the innovation of paramilitary units of female peacekeepers has proved very effective in calming tension and reducing violence.

Of course, problems remain, mostly as a result of the “commitment-capability gap.” Countries with the greatest capabilities (northern member states) often refuse to commit troops, while contributing nations (southern member states) lack sufficient resources and the well-trained, well-equipped personnel required.

Still, the frequent claim of constant failure is misleading.

It’s true that the UN’s record was marred by tragic developments and insufficient support for four missions: Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia and Sierra Leone. Similar problems continue to plague the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) and the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO).

Elsewhere, however, UN peacekeepers have been largely successful, offsetting horrific suffering, saving millions of lives and billions of dollars. And the UN continues to do this on a relatively paltry annual budget of $7.2-billion.

Given a total of 63 UN peacekeeping operations, with six widely considered to be failures, a success ratio of 90 per cent might seem impressive. (One could contrast that with the record of U.S. armed forces abroad and their enormous annual defence budget of more than $700-billion.)

But the UN still urgently needs help. Canada is well-positioned to provide assistance, such as special operations units, modern communications, surveillance and logistics assets, as well as much-needed transport in strategic or tactical airlift and helicopters. Yet, Canada ranks 50th in troop contributions – behind Yemen and slightly ahead of Slovakia – despite popular support for UN missions among Canadians.

A larger problem remains. Lacking a dedicated capacity or force of its own, the UN depends on the governments of its member states for access to standby national resources and personnel. These are conditional standby arrangements that allow countries to opt out at any time. While occasionally helpful, no standby system can be made adequately rapid or reliable – as we know from the experience in Rwanda and elsewhere.

With the primary focus in peacekeeping on postconflict stabilization, there has also been insufficient effort and resources to prevent armed conflict, to stop genocide, to protect civilians at risk and to ensure the prompt start-up of demanding operations. Yet, this has prompted renewed interest in developing a dedicated UN rapid deployment force that could prevent the development of armed conflicts, and eliminate the need for later, larger, longer and more costly military operations.

Last year, Oxford economists proposed a UN over-the-horizon force as a cost-effective security guarantor. The Economist and others have recommended a standing UN force for intervening promptly in humanitarian and environmental crises.

A proposal for a permanent UN Emergency Peace Service is aimed at creating a UN 911 first-responder. The idea, which originated in Canada, would involve about 16,000 UN personnel professionally trained and equipped, ready within a standing formation to respond immediately to each critical challenge.

UN peacekeeping has evolved, improved and demonstrated the potential to help in very tough and changing circumstances. A renewed Canadian commitment to “Pearsonian idealism” – ideas and initiatives to help develop a safer, saner world – continues to inspire Canadians and might well be the way for Canada to show better global leadership.

Peter Langille, an assistant professor at the Canadian Forces College, directs Global Common Security i3, where he specializes in peace and conflict studies, defence analysis and UN peace operations.


There are a few of flaws in Prof. Langille’s analysis:

1. Yes, traditional, baby-blue beret style, Pearsonian peacekeeping still exists because the world, including Canada does not care enough to execute its new found Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and UN peacekeeping is the ‘best’ we (the world again) is willing to offer;

2. Although UN peacekeeping has, doubtless, improved, it (the UN) is still unable – because it is institutionally inept and corrupt - to conduct anything like an effective operation (peacemaking or peacekeeping) of any sort. Langille’s 90% “success rate” for UN peacekeeping is a red herring. The ‘successful’ UN mission are those, like Kashmir, Cyprus and the Golan Heights that have, over a long, long times decayed into irrelevance and have been either, effectively, replaced by bilateral negotiations or have simply faded into the environment as harmless artefacts of a (temporarily) abated conflict;

3. “Pearsonian idealism” was aimed at developing a “safer, saner world” because it was aimed, squarely at countering the baleful influence of anti-democratic, dictatorial Soviet power in the third world and, concomitantly, spreading the influence of the US led West. The UN, in the 21st century does not share these goals and, for that reason alone, UN peacekeeping runs, broadly, counter to Canada’s best interests.
 
Here, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail, is another article (apparently the final one) in the “Using Canada’s Military Muscle” series:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/time-to-lead/military/part-6-of-6-canada-and-the-call-of-the-congo/article1777444/singlepage/#articlecontent
Part 6 of 6: Canada and the call of the Congo

GEOFFREY YORK

Goma, Congo— From Friday's Globe and Mail

Published Friday, Oct. 29, 2010

In this strategic city near the chaotic combat zones of what is often called "the rape capital of the world," the streets are bustling with thousands of United Nations peacekeepers in jeeps and armoured vehicles. Finding the Canadians, however, is a bit more difficult.

To locate the Canadian peacekeepers in Congo, you need to enter a collection of prefab trailers on the shores of Lake Kivu. At the end of a rabbit warren of offices, two Canadian officers are sitting at their desks, working on the mundane realities of garrison construction and soldier training.

There are only a dozen Canadians among the 18,000 members of the world's biggest peacekeeping mission, in one of the world's toughest conflict zones. Despite growing outrage at the mass rapes and murders by rebel militias and government soldiers here, Canada has declined to provide the high-tech military equipment that the peacekeepers need.

The Canadian Armed Forces, battle hardened and highly mobile after years of combat in Afghanistan, possess precisely the advanced technology and logistical skills that could help protect Congo's war-weary civilians. The needs of the UN mission here - light and mobile forces, helicopter capabilities, telecommunications, intelligence gathering, language skills - are exactly the strengths that Canada has developed in Afghanistan and around the world.

While Canadians remain wary of Afghanistan-like combat missions - a Nanos poll for The Globe showed only 21 per cent saw it as an important role for our military - they retain a strong attachment to UN peacekeeping, seen by 52 per cent as important.

It might not be the right moment today to send Canadian troops into Congo. The conflict lacks the political negotiation process and concerted international effort that could lead to an enduring peace. But many experts see Congo as a classic example of the kind of UN mission to which Canada could be contributing after it withdraws its military forces from Afghanistan next year.

It could be a crucial contribution. Aside from the major powers on the UN Security Council, Canada is one of the countries with an expeditionary military capacity, able to respond quickly to crises and conflicts, as it showed in Haiti this year. For many UN missions, this could spell the difference between failure and success.

"After many years in Afghanistan, Canadians are well-trained and well-equipped for participating in Congo or any of the new peacekeeping missions around the world," said Jocelyn Coulon, a military and peacekeeping researcher at the University of Montreal.

"If the mandate is to protect civilians, you need to deploy a robust force that deters the enemy," he said. "Canada could play a role in providing special forces, combat helicopters and human intelligence. The Canadian soldiers have a lot of experience dealing with rebels and insurgency."

Historically, of course, Canada was known as the world's peacekeeping leader. It contributed to almost every mission in the effort's early days. But as it sunk deeper into the Afghanistan conflict over the past five years, Canada has virtually disengaged from UN peacekeeping missions. Among all the world's countries, Canada today ranks just 50th in terms of its contributions to UN-commanded missions.

Of the nearly 100,000 uniformed troops in UN missions around the world, only about 200 are Canadian - less than one-quarter of 1 per cent. More than 90 per cent of Canada's overseas troops are concentrated on the Afghanistan combat mission.

Some of the world's smallest and poorest countries - such as Fiji, Nepal, Benin and Togo - are contributing more troops to peacekeeping operations than Canada. Even the war-torn country of Sierra Leone, where Canada had its own peacekeepers a few years ago, is now contributing more troops to UN operations than Canada.

Canada's neglect of peacekeeping is a product not only of its Afghanistan involvement but also of a belief that UN operations were mismanaged and mishandled. The spectacular failures of several missions in the 1990s - including those in Rwanda, Somalia and Bosnia - certainly reinforced this perception.

But since those fiascos, the UN has drastically reformed its peacekeeping operations, making them tougher and more robust. Its peacekeepers have proven surprisingly successful in recent missions in Cambodia, Liberia, Ivory Coast, Burundi and other places. Over the past decade, 35 new peacekeeping missions have been launched by the UN or other organizations in conflict zones around the world.

The peacekeeping tradition "has gone through astonishing transformation and continues to show surprising vitality," says a report published this year by the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute. "We are convinced that it is in Canada's national interest to re-engage in peace operations."

The conflict in Congo is often seen as a UN failure. After years of UN peacekeeping efforts, rebels and soldiers are continuing to maraud through the villages of eastern Congo.

But some analysts argue that the UN's failure in Congo is largely due to its chronic shortage of troops and equipment, which are far from sufficient for a vast lawless country. Most of its troops are from poorer countries such as India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. "An undersized force, comprised almost entirely of under-equipped soldiers from developing countries, can't do everything," writes Laura Seay, a political scientist and Africa specialist at Morehouse College in Atlanta. "The UN in Congo is burdened with an almost impossible task."

Carolyn McAskie, a former UN official who held senior posts in peacekeeping and peace-building and is now at the University of Ottawa, notes that the 18,000 peacekeepers in Congo are trying to cover an area the size of Afghanistan - a country where 120,000 foreign troops are unable to restore peace. She argues that Canada should provide more troops and equipment to strengthen the Congo operation.

But Canada has repeatedly declined to provide reinforcements for the mission. The latest such decision was in April, when Canada was asked to provide the new commander for the peacekeeping mission. Ottawa said no.

Canada has also declined a number of requests to provide helicopters for the UN operation. One of the few countries providing helicopters to the mission, India, is withdrawing all of its aircraft from Congo over the next several months. This withdrawal "has already begun to have a major impact on the mission's mobility and operational capacity," the UN said in a report this month. It said it had "redoubled" its efforts to find other countries to replace the loss of the Indian helicopters.

Stephen Lewis, a former Canadian ambassador to the United Nations and former UN special envoy in Africa, believes that Canada could provide crucial assets for the Congo mission.

"The Congo is just desperate for peacekeepers, and Canada is well-suited to make a significant contribution in what is possibly the worst place in the world for women, and one of the worst conflict areas on the planet. It would restore us to the international position that we should hold."

I have no doubt that Canada, specifically the Canadian Forces, can make a difference in Congo. The degree of change (difference), for the better, we might effect is directly related to the degree of detachment we have from the UN. A UN sanctioned mission that is managed and controlled by a ‘coalition of the willing’ that includes Canada and a few other countries has a very good chance of effecting beneficial change. But the mission will involve killing and being killed and it will, without a doubt, suffer the same fate as Afghanistan: steadily and rapidly declining public support.

But, Canadians are likely to support a no-to-low casualty but wholly ineffective UN mission because an overwhelming majority of Canadians care nothing for Congo - or for the CF.
 
Finally, this, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Axct from the Globe and Mail, is the Globe’s own ‘position,’ published, like an editorial, without a byline:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/time-to-lead/military/the-world-needs-our-military-but-we-need-to-shed-some-burdens/article1777462/
The Globe's View
The world needs our military, but we need to shed some burdens

From Friday's Globe and Mail
Published Friday, Oct. 29, 2010

Their soldiers have been bloodied in Kandahar, and Canadians are hankering for the halcyon days when blue-helmeted soldiers patrolled UN-brokered ceasefires between compliant belligerents. When asked about their military priorities, respondents to a Nanos poll conducted for The Globe and Mail ranked traditional peacekeeping as the highest. The problem is, that would require turning the clock back 30 or 40 years.

The belligerents today are often warlords, terrorists or militia groups that rarely play by anyone else's rules. Afghanistan itself is an international stabilization mission under UN mandate. Canada has a moral duty to help where help from the international community is desperately needed; places like the Democratic Republic of Congo, where mass rape is being used as a weapon of war. The reality is that if Canada is to help, if it is to continue to play a military role beyond its airspace and coastal waters, then it will need battle-ready soldiers and state-of-the-art weaponry.

After traditional peacekeeping, support for North American security co-operation is rated the next highest priority for Canadians. Yet hardware essential for such co-operation, and for the third priority listed - Canada's exercise of sovereignty in the Arctic - are aging out. Otter and Aurora aircraft, and many of the Coast Guard's ships, need to be replaced. More urgently, in 10 years or less, Canada's CF-18 fighters will be grounded and its destroyers will be in dry-dock. Because of constraints on federal spending, the question of replacement is sometimes portrayed as an either-or debate. The implication being that Canada can afford to be strong and free either in the air, or at sea - but not both.

A case for the F-35

In such a competition, the Air Force is seen to have an edge over Maritime Command, in that the government has already announced its plan to acquire 69 F-35 stealth fighters at a cost of $16-billion. To critics, including the Official Opposition, the F-35 is a costly bauble with little practical use; cutting-edge technology, for sure, but an artifact of Cold War-thinking. There is also concern the technology, no matter how advanced, will soon be made obsolete by unmanned aerial vehicles.

Yet there is a stronger national sovereignty and North American security case for the F-35 than for warships. Al-Qaeda has repeatedly tried to attack civilian airlines, not cruise ships or commercial shipping. Russian TU-95 bombers occasionally test Canada's responsiveness in the Far North. Canada's geography is vast, as a country with more coastline than any other, 202,080 kilometres of it, according to the CIA World Factbook - but because much of it inaccessible to surface ships for most of the calendar year due to ice, air capability is critical for national sovereignty.

It is also critical to security co-operation with the U.S., which has ordered 2,500 of the F-35 fighters. Canada could try to save money and purchase a less advanced fighter, but ask yourself: If everyone else is flying stealth fighters, would you want to be the one flying an aircraft everyone else can see? And everyone else will be flying F-35s. Besides the U.S. Air Force, Britain, Denmark, Norway, Italy, Turkey and Australia have all ordered the aircraft. Sales to Israel, Japan and Korea are also likely. If there were a serious danger that the F-35s would be quickly made obsolete by UAVs, how is it then that professional military advice, and government procurement policy, throughout the Western alliance has been steadfastly in favour of the aircraft?

We can't skimp on warships

But it should not be an either-or proposition. Canada needs fighters, but it also needs warships. One option would be to replace Maritime Command's aged destroyers with reconfigured frigates, although Canada's strategic interests suggest a new generation of destroyer, in the class of the $8-billion (Australian) trio of warships being built for the Royal Australian Navy, is necessary. Without destroyers, Canada's capability would be reduced. It would no longer be a candidate to lead multinational, allied fleets - such as Combined Task Force 150, which Canada commanded in 2008, in the Gulf of Aden. Put it this way: If Australia, a country with little more than half the population of Canada, can afford both stealth fighter purchases and the procurement of destroyers for the Royal Australian Navy, Canada can do the same.

So where will the money for all this new hardware come from? The military needs to play its part. It cannot be a complacent recipient of massive government spending at a time when other federal departments are being squeezed, and indeed when Canadians themselves are feeling the pressure of a shambling economy. If Canada's military is to grow in capability, then it also needs to find ways to sharpen its focus, and one way is to reduce its bureaucracy. That means to eliminate some of the 12,000 uniformed soldiers and 28,000 civilians employed at National Defence headquarters. It must also move to reduce and consolidate the number of bases across Canada, 26 plus numerous stations and other facilities.

Canada can no longer be a nation of traditional peacekeepers, because the world needs something else. It's something Canada can provide, but it first must take some tough decisions. Given its modest size, Canada's military is burdened with enormous infrastructure. This overhead weighs heavily on its future.


Summary:

Yes to doing more ‘heavy lifting’ in hard to win places like Congo, but not as traditional UN peacekeepers;

Yes to rebuilt armed forces, including the F35 and new ships;

Yes to rebalancing between infrastructure (mainly bases?) and combat power; and

No to the Pearsonian, baby-blue beret style peacekeeping so loved by too many Canadians.
 
Here's another part of another series....

Peacekeeping
Article Link
Part 6 of 6: Canada and the call of the Congo
Geoffrey York Goma, Congo— From Friday's Globe and Mail  Published Friday, Oct. 29, 2010

In this strategic city near the chaotic combat zones of what is often called "the rape capital of the world," the streets are bustling with thousands of United Nations peacekeepers in jeeps and armoured vehicles. Finding the Canadians, however, is a bit more difficult.

To locate the Canadian peacekeepers in Congo, you need to enter a collection of prefab trailers on the shores of Lake Kivu. At the end of a rabbit warren of offices, two Canadian officers are sitting at their desks, working on the mundane realities of garrison construction and soldier training.

There are only a dozen Canadians among the 18,000 members of the world's biggest peacekeeping mission, in one of the world's toughest conflict zones. Despite growing outrage at the mass rapes and murders by rebel militias and government soldiers here, Canada has declined to provide the high-tech military equipment that the peacekeepers need.

The Canadian Armed Forces, battle hardened and highly mobile after years of combat in Afghanistan, possess precisely the advanced technology and logistical skills that could help protect Congo's war-weary civilians. The needs of the UN mission here - light and mobile forces, helicopter capabilities, telecommunications, intelligence gathering, language skills - are exactly the strengths that Canada has developed in Afghanistan and around the world.

While Canadians remain wary of Afghanistan-like combat missions - a Nanos poll for The Globe showed only 21 per cent saw it as an important role for our military - they retain a strong attachment to UN peacekeeping, seen by 52 per cent as important.

It might not be the right moment today to send Canadian troops into Congo. The conflict lacks the political negotiation process and concerted international effort that could lead to an enduring peace. But many experts see Congo as a classic example of the kind of UN mission to which Canada could be contributing after it withdraws its military forces from Afghanistan next year.

It could be a crucial contribution. Aside from the major powers on the UN Security Council, Canada is one of the countries with an expeditionary military capacity, able to respond quickly to crises and conflicts, as it showed in Haiti this year. For many UN missions, this could spell the difference between failure and success.

"After many years in Afghanistan, Canadians are well-trained and well-equipped for participating in Congo or any of the new peacekeeping missions around the world," said Jocelyn Coulon, a military and peacekeeping researcher at the University of Montreal.

"If the mandate is to protect civilians, you need to deploy a robust force that deters the enemy," he said. "Canada could play a role in providing special forces, combat helicopters and human intelligence. The Canadian soldiers have a lot of experience dealing with rebels and insurgency."
More on link
 
The Congo? While it may appear to be a worthwhile endeavour, what will be the cost in human terms?

If....we deploy to the Congo, you can bet dollars to donuts that OSIs will skyrocket.

My two cents plus GST.
 
The Congo mission is eminently "doable" with only two conditions:

1. Remove the UN management (but retain the UNSC mandate) and replace it with a 'coalition' command and control team that is recruited an organized by one country (not by NATO although the organizing country may be a NATO member) - the one that provides a commander, etc; and

2. Set robust ROE for every single participating nation, and, based on those, recruit a coalition of the willing that is both willing and able to sort out the problem - accepting that the 'sorting out' is going to involve a lot of dead people, most of them black and many, many of whom will be mistaken, by a biased media, for innocent civilians and child soldiers.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
...accepting that the 'sorting out' is going to involve a lot of dead people, most of them black and many, many of whom will be mistaken, by a biased media, for innocent civilians and child soldiers.

Likely the main reason we'll not do anything. No Canadian government, certainly not the current one, is going to set themselves up as a such a target. The media will quickly spin public opinion, and the government will have to react. Just like we've done in AFG.
 
ModlrMike said:
Likely the main reason we'll not do anything. No Canadian government, certainly not the current one, is going to set themselves up as a such a target. The media will quickly spin public opinion, and the government will have to react. Just like we've done in AFG.

But the media will keep banging the drum for the next war.  Nothing helps circulation like a tale of blood and guts, grieving widows, incompetent generals and politicians, gee-whiz toys and wasted treasure. ::)
 
Kirkhill said:
But the media will keep banging the drum for the next war.  Nothing helps circulation like a tale of blood and guts, grieving widows, incompetent generals and politicians, gee-whiz toys and wasted treasure. ::)

I'm afraid that you may be correct. It seems that the lessons of Rwanda, Bosnia and Afghanistan are already, as we speak, being forgotten.
 
Kirkhill said:
But the media will keep banging the drum for the next war.  Nothing helps circulation like a tale of blood and guts, grieving widows, incompetent generals and politicians, gee-whiz toys and wasted treasure. ::)
Precisely!  Notice the pattern? 
The news media depends on controversy; doesn't matter who is in power. They'll channel/spin public opinion against something one month and for something similar the next.
It is a strategic approach to job security - Something our Generals need to learn to use more (and I'm not talking about cushy Executive contract/advisor jobs with GD, LM, etc. ) IMHO.
 
The sad thing is, that media relies on controversy to sell stories. As we have seen, sometimes they will create controversy or spin something to add contreversy.

We need to anticipate this and have a good PsyOps Campaign ready to use on our own people here in Canada. I think it makes a huge difference when the majority of our people are behind us.

As far creating contreversy, look at the whole damn mess that blew up when the US Army had their documents leaked to Wikinews and it was falsely mentioned that the 4 troops KIA in Op medusa were the result of Friendly Fire. That was a real **** storm.
 
ArmyRick said:
As far creating contreversy, look at the whole damn mess that blew up when the US Army had their documents leaked to Wikinews and it was falsely mentioned that the 4 troops KIA in Op medusa were the result of Friendly Fire. That was a real **** storm.

What I found sickening about that was how many people, both some media (except for a few calmer heads like Christie Blatchford) and even more the "Bloggites" who infest places like cbc.ca, etc, immediately swallowed it whole. We were instantly cast as heartless, scheming liars who had somehow managed to hide the cause of death, brainwash or intimidate the soldiers who were present, and buy off or lie to the families, the medical staff, the MPs, the morticians, and the Ontario Medical Examiner.

Exactly why we might want to bother doing this never occurred to these people, but then critical thinking usually isn't a strong suit with the foil-hatted conspiracy mongering crowd, who see a Govt plot behind every news story. Especially, when you consider that very shortly afterwards, an RCR coy was hit by friendly fire, and this was widely reported.

It is almost as though there is a crowd of people out there who are absolutely sure that the CF are competely evil and dishonest, but somehow we have been able to hide it. They have become frustrated with the lack of  reports of juicy scandal and wrongdoing, so following the basic conspiracy-monger dictum that "absence of evidence is not evidence of absence" (ie: if you can't find credible proof of your theory, this is because The Govt or The Military (or the Martians...) have hidden it.

They never stop to connect the dots and see that they don't actually go anywhere.

Cheers
 
I agree with what your saying. With those people (conspiracy theorist and others of similar ilk) in their minds We (the CF) are already guilty, now they just need any evidence (no matter how weak or lame) they can find to prove their point.

Its like situating the estimate but in another way.
 
pbi said:
.....who are absolutely sure that the CF are competely evil and dishonest, but somehow we have been able to hide it.
Ah, to have that degree of competence and coherence. That would be sweet!  ;D
 
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