How Trudeau's foreign policy could blow up in his face
It starts with the usual bad luck … and a President Trump
Michael Petrou
iPolitics
12 Aug 2016
Politicians can only rarely follow through on long-term, big-picture foreign policy plans. The world shifts and changes in unexpected ways, and leaders adjust.
Here, for example, is a now almost unrecognizable George W. Bush during a 2000 presidential campaign debate with Al Gore:
“I’m worried about over-committing our military around the world. I want to be judicious in its use ... I just don’t think it’s the role of the United States to walk into a country and say, ‘We do it this way, so should you.’”
9/11 made Bush an imperialist. His successor, Barack Obama, was going to end Bush’s wars, “reset” relations with Russia and pivot America’s foreign policy focus to the Pacific. America is still in Afghanistan, is in Iraq again and relations between Moscow and Washington are as frosty as they’ve been in a generation. The Pacific will have to wait.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau entered office with a vague and rather self-important foreign policy goal — to “restore constructive Canadian leadership in the world” and, more prosaically, advance Canada’s interests. Details included improving relations with the United States and Mexico by reducing trade barriers and lifting the Mexican visa requirement, increasing support for United Nations peacekeeping operations, restoring ties with Iran and mending frayed relations with Russia.
There was scant mention of terrorism or security threats in Trudeau’s mandate letters to either Foreign Minister Stéphane Dion or Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan: Trudeau instructed the two to end Canada’s combat mission in Iraq and Syria (where Canada had been bombing the so-called Islamic State) and refocus on training local forces and humanitarian efforts. Canadians, he said, wanted Ottawa to make a contribution to a more peaceful and prosperous world, and Trudeau’s government would support those aspirations.
Trudeau hasn’t been blown far off course — yet. He’s enjoyed a sun-setting political romance with Obama. Visa requirements for Mexicans will be lifted by the end of the year. All indications are that Canada will soon join at least one UN peacekeeping mission in Africa.
But the world shifts under Trudeau’s feet, too. If the prospect of a “reset” with America didn’t moderate Russia’s behaviour, it should have been obvious that a friendlier prime minister in Ottawa wouldn’t either. It hasn’t.
Russian President Vladimir Putin is ever more belligerent. Fighting between Ukrainian forces and Russia-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine is intensifying. Putin has vowed that a supposed incursion by Ukraine into Crimea (which Russia invaded and annexed two years ago) “will not go unanswered.”
Russia continues its military support for the murderous Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. And now he’s staged a genuine reset with Turkey, a NATO member state which last year shot down a Russian plane that had briefly entered Turkish airspace.
Under President Recep Erdoan, Turkey is in the midst of a massive purge of those suspected of involvement in an attempted coup last month. Almost 70,000 people — including soldiers, journalists, teachers and judges — have been arrested, suspended or fired, numbers that suggest Erdoan is as interested in crushing dissent as he is in serving justice to those behind the coup attempt.
A NATO member state is sliding toward dictatorship, and its president is cozying up to NATO’s primary adversary. These would be worrying developments for Canada at the best of times. These are not the best of times — especially given the potential for a political earthquake in the United States.
America has always been the cornerstone of the NATO alliance. It will not continue to fill that role if Donald Trump becomes president. Among Trump’s many flaws is his lackadaisical commitment to protecting NATO allies, combined with a bizarre affection for Putin. A Trump presidency — which is a prospect Canada cannot responsibly discount — would embolden Putin and upend the security framework that has kept peace and order in Europe for decades.
This, even more so than the growing international reach of Islamic State, would have implications for Canadian foreign policy priorities, placing demands on Canadian military resources and diplomatic energies.
Contributing to UN peacekeeping operations in Africa, winning a spot on the UN Security Council, developing a North American environmental agreement, leading the global fight against climate change — these are all important goals, and if Trudeau has his way, they'll form the framework of his foreign policy agenda.
But, like other leaders before him, Trudeau won’t get to choose which foreign policy issues define his time in office. All he can do is choose how he responds to them. Trouble is brewing — in Eastern Europe, Turkey, Syria and, most alarmingly, the United States. Trudeau will be hard-pressed to avoid it.
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