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Chris Pook said:Sooner or later somebody is going to have to decide to do something and will discover that somebody is opposed.
Chris Pook said:Sooner or later somebody is going to have to decide to do something and will discover that somebody is opposed.
The HILL TIMES
Defence and Security
Harper government ‘messed up’ jet-replacement process, that’s why things are slow: Sajjan
'We should have replaced our fighters a long time ago, and now we’re dealing with another potential capability gap for our air force,' says Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan.
By CHRISTOPHER GULY, RACHEL AIELLO
PUBLISHED : Monday, Sept. 26, 2016 12:00 AM
Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan says he’s moving as fast as a he can on finalizing a plan to replace Canada’s fighter jets but that the previous Conservative government “messed up” the process and that’s why things are taking so long,
“We’ve been moving on that as quickly as possible, but this file is extremely complex and it had been thoroughly, if I can say, messed up from the previous government and it has slowed things down,” Mr. Sajjan (Vancouver South. B.C.) said in an interview with The Hill Times last week. “We should have replaced our fighters a long time ago, and now we’re dealing with another potential capability gap for our Air Force.”
He said something would happen on this file “sooner rather than later” in terms of deciding on a process for picking a replacement to Canada’a aging fleet of CF-18s.
Last week, the House of Commons National Defence Committee recommended that the government decide on a CF-18 replacement within the next 12 months.
Mr. Sajjan the government has to “make sure we have the right aircraft for our men and women. And it was only last November since we formed government, but replacement of the fighters was something we knew is a necessity.”
Meanwhile, man who once saw oversaw the lifecycle management of Canada’s CF-18 fighter jets says the Liberals should stick to their 2015 campaign commitment and not purchase the F-35 stealth fighters the former Conservative government wanted.
“We do not need the F-35,” said Paul Maillet, a retired Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) colonel who as an aerospace engineering officer was responsible for the military’s fleet of CF-18 Hornets.
He said that Canada would “pay far too much and get far too little” for Lockheed Martin’s F-35A Lightning II at a time when Justin Trudeau’s government is shifting the country’s military focus to peace operations.
The results of an independent audit by accounting firm KPMG, released in late 2012, pegged the cost of buying and maintaining 65 F-35s at $45.8-billion over a 42-year period. Mr. Maillet said the price tag is a lot higher in the U.S., which now considers the F-35 the standard for fighter jets.
“It will cost the Americans more than a trillion dollars, and it’s the most expensive military project ever,” he explained. “Yet we’re nearing the end of an era of manned fighter aircraft, and there’s a lot of overlap going on with unmanned drones right now.”
Mr. Maillet, who before his 2001 retirement from the military served as director of defence ethics at DND, said Canada doesn’t need stealth fighter jets to protect national sovereignty or contribute to United Nations or NATO peace missions.
“If we are no longer doing bombing campaigns in the Middle East, our money should be better spent elsewhere.”
He said DND could focus on providing transport or troops to a “peace and security response” to global and domestic situations, and made that pitch in a written submission as part of DND’s public consultation to develop the country’s new defence policy.
Mr. Maillet, who now works as an international development consultant, has called for “aligning” Canada’s national defence and foreign affairs policies, and creating a federal “Department of Peace” that could include establishing an “Office of Peace, Violence Prevention, Mediation, and Reconciliation” within DND or Global Affairs Canada.
At DND, “this could mean a robust military force-based constabulary response … [with] boots on the ground that are not afraid to share the risk and sacrifice of those non-combatants not able to protect themselves,” wrote Mr. Maillet in a document he sent to Mr. Sajjan and members of the Defence Policy Review Ministerial Advisory Panel, including Mr. Maillet’s one-time boss, retired Gen. Ray Henault, former chief of the Defence staff.
“It is time for a historic change of world view and mindset towards how we task, fund, train, and employ our military,” Mr. Maillet said.
He said if needed, Canada could opt for a lighter aircraft, such as the Saab Group’s Gripen—not dissimilar to the CF-18—and use the jets to patrol all three of Canada’s coasts without having to set up offshore bases to accommodate the larger, more expensive F-35s used in bombing missions Canada no longer supports.
Yet, Queen’s University political studies professor Kim Nossal said Canada is responsible for protecting North America with the U.S. under NORAD, and that “the only aircraft that some people are saying will be acceptable to the Americans is the F-35.”
“The RCAF has always flown whatever the Americans have flown since 1960, after the Avro Arrow got canned the year before,” said Prof. Nossal, a fellow in the Centre for International and Defence Policy at Queen’s.
“The federal government knows the only plane that the United States air force, marines, and navy is going to use over the next 20 to 25 years is the F-35,” which has become a “political football” tossed around by both the Liberals and Conservatives.
He said Stephen Harper’s government “made the right choice” when in 2010 it announced that it would acquire 65 F-35s, “but the Conservatives screwed up how they did it.”
Instead of bringing the opposition on board and committing to a fair competition for the CF-18 replacement contract—in the same way Pierre Trudeau’s Liberal government did when it chose the CF-18s—the Conservative government “decided to play a little gamesmanship” and pursue a sole-source deal with Lockheed Martin, according to Prof. Nossal, who’s written a book called Charlie Foxtrot: Fixing Defence Procurement in Canada, to be released by Dundurn in December. The book includes an examination of the “F-35 fiasco.”
He said the Liberals “returned the favour by politicizing the issue of F-35 costs,” which originally were set at $9-billion, but eventually climbed after Auditor General Michael Ferguson had a closer look and KMPG was later brought on board to identify the true cost of the procurement. “The Harper government abandoned the program and sent it back to the drawing board, and little was done,” said Prof. Nossal.
However, he said the full cost of the aircraft, from purchasing it to maintaining it, would cost $1-billion a year.
Since 1997, the federal government had contributed more than $311-million toward the development of the F-35s, which in turn has generated $812-million US in contracts to Canada’s aerospace industry, The Canadian Press reported in July.
Prof. Nossal said that not proceeding with the F-35 purchase would “almost definitely end those long-term benefits of being in the Lockheed Martin global value chain.”
Withdrawing from the F-35 program would also leave the federal government on the hook for as much as $346.7-million US, according to DND documents obtained by Postmedia News.
But Lockheed Martin is still in the game, and was one of five companies that responded to the Trudeau government’s call for finding a fighter-jet replacement to the CF-18. The other four firms are: Dassault Aviation for its Rafale; Eurofighter GmbH on its Typhoon; Saab (Gripen); and Boeing Co.’s Super Hornet, which is an aircraft the Liberals reportedly considered acquiring through a sole-source contract over the summer.
That latter fighter jet will soon be out of production, Prof. Nossal noted, and in his view the other three aircraft won’t meet Canada’s primary obligations under NORAD.
Mr. Maillet expects that pressure to choose the F-35 will also come from the RCAF’s fighter-pilot community that “always wants the best and shiniest” aircraft.
But he added that procurement should be subservient to military strategy, and “buying the best bomber in the world” doesn’t fit the government’s policy on moving Canada from a combat role to a peace player on the world stage.
news@hilltimes.com
The Hill Times
Timeline
1980: Canada decides to buy 138 CF-18 Hornets from McDonnell Douglas.
1997: Liberal government invests $10-million in the U.S.-led, nine-nation Joint Strike Fighter program, involving Lockheed Martin, to develop a new fighter jet.
2000: Canada upgrades the CF-18s to keep them flying until 2020.
2010: Conservative government announces it intends to buy 65 F-35s from Lockheed Martin.
2012: Auditor general and KPMG say costs will be significantly higher.
2015: Liberals say they won’t buy the F-35s if they form government.
2016: Liberal government launches public consultation on defence policy review and a new competition for the next-generation fighter jet.
Sure would be sweet to have one of those -- you wouldn't even have to say "White Paper," because that's probably offensive to someone.George Wallace said:.....procurement should be subservient to military strategy....
George Wallace said:Trudeau blames Tories for complicating Azer case by cutting ties to Iran
So now it is Harper's fault that Stephan Dion is a disrespectful Minister who insults the Mrs. Azer in the House?
Hamish Seggie said:Our grandkids will be blaming Harper when they are my age..... :facepalm:
JUSTIN TRUDEAU, PRIME MINISTER OF CANADA
The Prime Minister announces significant support for Africa and La Francophonie at the XVI Summit of La Francophonie
Antananarivo, Madagascar
November 27, 2016
While attending the XVI Summit of La Francophonie in Madagascar, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau today announced that the Government of Canada will provide $112.8 million for international aid projects that will benefit several African countries and Haiti.
This funding will contribute to projects that aim to fight climate change, empower women, and protect their rights. It will also be used to stimulate economic growth, which will create job opportunities for young people and women, and to counter terrorism and prevent radicalization.
During the Summit, the Prime Minister held discussions with his counterparts from countries of La Francophonie on issues related to the Summit’s theme – Shared Growth and Responsible Development: Conditions for Stability Around the World and Within La Francophonie.
The Prime Minister also highlighted that Ontario has been granted observer status in the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF). This bolsters Canadian representation in the OIF and will provide greater exposure for Franco-Ontarian communities on a global scale.
Quote
“Canada’s participation in the Summit is in keeping with our desire to revitalize our commitment to La Francophonie and Africa. Working together with other member and observer States and governments, we can better address the numerous challenges that face members of La Francophonie, from climate change, to gender inequality, to human rights – including LGBTQ2 issues. Canada congratulates Madagascar on a successful Summit of La Francophonie.”
—Rt. Honourable Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada
Quick Facts
- Africa plays a leading role within La Francophonie. The previous two summits (Kinshasa in 2012 and Dakar in 2014) took place in Africa. African countries account for 29 of the 54 full members.
- In addition to Ontario, La Francophonie also welcomed Argentina and South Korea as observers, and New Caledonia as an associate member.
- The governments of Quebec, New Brunswick and Ontario are represented at the XVI Summit of La Francophonie respectively by premiers Philippe Couillard and Brian Gallant, as well as by Marie-France Lalonde, Minister responsible for Francophone Affairs (Ontario).
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And? Team Blue sent all kinds of $ outside of Canada all the time without many complaints around these parts.George Wallace said:$112.8 million to be sent outside of Canada.
milnews.ca said:And? Team Blue sent all kinds of $ outside of Canada all the time without many complaints around these parts.
Or are you against the $500,000 for "Counterterrorism and prevention of radicalization to violence" in Niger?
That's where my first link came from.George Wallace said:One more link on Canada's Foreign Aid: Foreign Aid Portal
milnews.ca said:And? Team Blue sent all kinds of $ outside of Canada all the time without many complaints around these parts.
Or are you against the $500,000 for "Counterterrorism and prevention of radicalization to violence" in Niger?
And I'll also be honest enough to admit that there are more than a few out there who think the same re: PM Harper - or any Team Blue coach.E.R. Campbell said:Bingo!
For many, many people, who react rather than think, anything and everything done by Prime Minister Trudeau must be wrong and bad and ill considered and wasteful and so on while anything done by Prime Minister Harper must have been right and good and principled and productive and, and, and ...
Brad Sallows said:I'm never sure what to make of it when people say/write "my PM" or "my president".
If someone were to say "my king", I'd infer that the speaker regards himself as a subject. In a democracy, that relationship is not the case. You can still say, "my {leader}" (servant of the people), but it's a little ambiguous.
So I prefer "the PM", not "my PM".
https://legionmagazine.com/en/2016/11/how-canadas-defence-money-is-spent/How Canada’s defence money is spent
David J. Bercuson
24 Nov 2016
In early July, Justin Trudeau’s government announced that in 2017 it will dispatch a “battle group” of 450 soldiers to command one of four North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) brigades that are being formed in the NATO countries that border Russia, particularly the Baltic states and Poland. The Canadian contingent will be going to Latvia for six months, to be replaced by other Canadian contingents, as necessary, for as long as NATO believes they are warranted. The other brigades will be commanded by Britain, the United States and Germany.
The aim of the deployment is ostensibly to aid those countries in the event Russia takes military action against them. In fact, those brigades are not meant to defend anything as much as to provide a tripwire that, in the event of a Russian attack, will kick in Article V of the NATO treaty which provides for common defence among all NATO members. How do we know this? Because a NATO brigade’s life expectancy will be very short indeed if Russian forces launch an all-out attack. The four brigades are thus far more a symbol than they are effective defence; with or without those brigades, a Russian invasion of any NATO country is supposed to spark off a NATO military response.
Nevertheless, they will send a clear signal, symbolic or otherwise, that Russia ought not to believe that even though these NATO nations are on the far eastern fringe of NATO, they will not be defended to the same extent that Germany or France would. And it is a sure sign of Canada’s ongoing commitment to NATO under the new Liberal government that the commitment was eventually made, even though it came after many weeks of open U.S. and NATO pressure on Canada to participate.
Many questions remain about the mission: what kind of a force does Ottawa have in mind when it talks about a 450-member “battle group”? For over 25 years the Canadian Armed Forces have used the term “battle group” in the same way that other nations use the term battalion group. These formations add a core battalion of infantry—generally about 600 soldiers—accompanied by other units such as engineers, medics, mortars and/or heavy machine gunners. The battle groups that Canada fielded in Afghanistan and, earlier, in the Balkans were generally from 750 to 900 men and women. So what exactly does the government mean by a 450-person battle group?
Of course many of the details may not have been worked out yet (the decision was only made in July) and presumably people at National Defence Headquarters will have these and other issues worked out before the deployment. But one is already crystal clear: by undertaking a high profile mission, a small one to be sure but an important one for NATO, Ottawa is demonstrating its response to critics, both domestic and international, who say that Canada’s defence expenditures of roughly .8 per cent to one per cent of GDP (as opposed to NATO’s desired two per cent of GDP) are inadequate. From the beginning of the Liberal mandate, the minister of National Defence has said that it is not so important how much Canada spends; what really counts is how Canada’s defence money is spent.
In other words, to keep Canada’s critics off Ottawa’s back–especially Americans who speak of Canada as a free-rider—this government has undertaken at least two missions that Washington is, or will be, well aware of: (1) increasing Canada’s logistical, training, special forces, and surveillance troops on the ground in the Iraq/Syria theatre and (2) commanding a brigade in Latvia and contributing a significant chunk to it. Of course, Canada did pull its six-pack of CF-18s from the Iraq/Syria theatre in order to keep Prime Minister Trudeau’s election promise, but then another six-pack is now to accompany Canadian troops to Latvia.
At this point in its mandate, the only consistent defence policy that the government seems to be pursuing is just that—undertaking small, but high profile missions (especially in Washington) to keep our No. 1 ally from focusing too much on our anemic defence spending. It’s not a bad idea and one that Canada could get away with. It should at least hold off serious U.S. criticism until the new president assumes office and Canada’s new defence policy review emerges as a serious, cohesive policy that Canadians are ready to support financially.