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Canada's Place in the Global Economy

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As goes the United States, so do we. About the only way out would be to circle the wagons in the rest of the Anglosphere (and the honouraries like the Japanese and the Dutch) and create a sort of economic "donut" (or maybe a bagel, since we are Canadian after all) strengthening economic links between the membership and away from the Americans as a defensive move:

http://blogs.reuters.com/james-pethokoukis/2010/03/31/obama-and-americas-20-year-bust/

Obama and America’s 20-year bust
Mar 31, 2010 06:51 EDT
economic growth | New Normal | Obamanomics

It is an alarming, jaw-dropping conclusion. The U.S. standard of living, says superstar Northwestern University economist Robert Gordon in a new paper, is about to experience its slowest growth “over any two-decade interval recorded since the inauguration of George Washington.” That’s right, get ready for twenty years of major-league economic suckage. It is an event that would change America’s material expectations, self-identity and political landscape.  Change in the worst way.

Now it’s not so much that the Great Recession will morph into the Long Recession. More like ease into the Great Stagnation. As Gordon calculates it, the economy will average only 2.4 percent annual real GDP growth over that span vs. 3 percent or so during the previous 20 years. On a per capita basis, the economy will grow at just a 1.5 percent average annual rate vs. 2.17 percent between 1929 and 2007.

That might not seem like much of a difference, but it really is. Over time, the power of compounding would create a huge growth gap measured in the trillions of dollars. To look at it another way, assume you had an annual salary of $100,000. If you received a 1.5 percent raise each year, you would be making $134,000 after 20 years, $153,000 after 40 years. But a 2.17 annual raise would boost your income to $153,000 after 20 years and $236,000 after 40 years.

For Gordon, the culprit is weaker productivity. Productivity, economists like to say, isn’t everything — but in the long run it is almost everything. A nation’s GDP growth is little more than a derivative of how many workers the nation has and how much they produce. And if Gordon  is correct, U.S. productivity is about to weaken. He forecasts that over the next two decades, the metric will grow at just a 1.7 percent annual rate. From 1996-2007, economy-wide productivity averaged just over 2 percent with GDP growing at 3.1 percent.

Gordon’s argument is simple: The productivity surge starting in the 1990s was driven primarily by the Internet, though drastic corporate cost-cutting in the early 2000s helped, too. Going forward, though, Gordon thinks the IT revolution will be marked by diminishing returns. He concludes, for instance, that most of the product innovations since 2000, like flat screen TVs and iPods, have been directed at consumer enjoyment rather than business productivity. (Also not helping are a more protectionist trade policy and a tax code where the penalties on savings and investment are about to skyrocket with rates soaring 60 percent on capital gains and 200 percent on dividends.)

All this dovetails nicely with research showing financial crises are followed by negative, long-term side-effects such as slow economic growth and higher interest rates. Lots of debt, too. Indeed, researchers Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff find advanced economies with debt-to-GDP ratios above 90 percent grow more slowly than less-indebted ones. (Japan is the classic example.) America is on track to hit that level in 2020, according to the Congressional Budget Office.

But maybe Gordon is wrong. Productivity has been surprisingly robust during the downturn, helping the overall economy (though not the labor market) weather the storm better than most expected. Maybe nanotechnology or genetic engineering will be the next Internet and ignite further creative destruction. Yet even if Gordon is correct, Americans still control their own economic destiny.

Since the 2008 election, American economic policy has been about wealth preservation (keeping the economy from sliding into a depression) and wealth redistribution (healthcare reform.) Wealth creation? Not so much.  That needs to change. Washington needs to focus on growing the economy and competing with the rest of the G20 nations, including the other member of the G2, China. Every policy — from education to trade to the tax code — needs to be seen through that lens.

America faced a similar turning point a generation ago. During the Jimmy Carter years, the Malthusian, Limits to Growth crowd argued that natural-resource constraints meant Americans would have to lower their economic expectations and accept economic stagnation — or worse. Carter more or less accepted an end to American Exceptionalism, but the 1980 presidential election showed few of his countrymen did. They chose growth economics and the economy grew.

Now they face another choice. Preserve wealth, redistribute wealth or create wealth.  Hopefully, President Barack Obama will choose door #3. Investing more in basic research (not just healthcare) would be a start, as would slashing the corporate tax rate. A new consumption tax would be better for growth, but only if it replaced the current wage and investment income taxes. Real entitlement reform would help avoid the Reinhart-Rogoff scenario. The choices made during the next few years could the difference between America in Decline or the American (21st) Century.
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Natural disasters have global impacts too:

http://pajamasmedia.com/instapundit/
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/04/20/world/main6414739.shtml

VOLCANO ASH CLOUD SETS OFF GLOBAL DOMINO EFFECT:

While the volcanic ash cloud covering parts of Europe continues to wreak havoc for airlines – costing the industry more than $1 billion as of Monday – grounding most of the continent’s air travel for several days has had a ripple effect extending far beyond Europe’s borders.

The following is a collection of international anecdotes demonstrating how the ash cloud has done more than hit airlines’ bottom lines and inconvenienced air travelers.

• The lack of refrigeration facilities at the airport in capital of the West African nation of Ghana has been a big blow to pineapple and pawpaw farmers who sell to Europe because of the lack of flights. As of Tuesday, no cargo flights have taken off yet. . . .

• In Kenya, thousands of day laborers are out of work because produce and flowers can’t be exported amid the flight cancellations. Kenya has thrown away 10 million flowers – mostly roses – since the volcano eruption. Asparagus, broccoli and green beans meant for European dinner tables are being fed to Kenyan cattle because storage facilities are filled to capacity.

• The U.S. Travel Association estimates that the ash cloud produced by the eruption has cost the U.S. economy $650 million, approximately $130 million per day. That kind of loss to the economy affects the cashflow to fund about 6,000 American jobs, the association said. Every international flight bound for the U.S. is worth an average of $450,000 in spending from travelers, which the association says pays for five jobs per flight.

• Nissan Motor Co.’s production at a line at its Oppama plant near Tokyo and two lines at its Kyushu factory in southern Japan will stop all day Wednesday because the planned shipment of tire pressure sensors from Ireland has not arrived, company spokeswoman Sachi Inagaki said. The suspension would affect nearly 2,000 vehicles, including the Cube compact made at the Oppama plant, and the Murano and Rogue crossover SUV models produced at the Kyushu plant as well as eight other models that are produced on the same production lines, Inagaki said.

• BMW North America spokeswoman Jan Ehlen told the Herald-Journal of Spartanburg on Monday that the automaker will likely reduce production at the BMW plant in South Carolina because of a shortage of supplies, but shouldn’t have to shut the plant down. BMW uses planes to ship transmissions and other components from its German factories to South Carolina. The Greer plant makes BMW’s X5 and X6 sport utility vehicles.


There’s more at the link but this kind of thing underscores how tightly-coupled the global economy has become. That goes with the point about “resilience” made at the end of this piece in the WSJ and in this piece, and this one, from Popular Mechanics. Bottom line is that failures in one part of the global economy can cascade throughout. Too much of our technological and economic infrastructure is designed with good times in mind, and not enough thought goes into how it will function when things are rotten. Yet, frequently, changes needed to add more resilience to the system are fairly modest, if they’re made in advance. Just a thought. . . .

Pretty amazing what is considered time sensitive; industrial production used to be shipped by sea. I would never have imagined large car parts (like transmissions) would be cost effective to send by air freight. The ripple effects will be felt here as well, although in strange and unexpected ways.
 
The PIIG's are getting roasted:

http://preview.bloomberg.com/news/2010-04-27/greek-debt-cut-to-junk-at-s-p.html

Greece's Debt Cut to Junk, First for Euro Member
By Emma Ross-Thomas and Andrew Davis - Apr 27, 2010 Email Share

Greece’s credit rating was cut three steps to junk by Standard and Poor’s, the first time a euro member has lost its investment grade since the currency’s 1999 debut. The euro weakened and stock markets throughout the region plunged.

Greece was lowered to BB+ from BBB+ by S&P, which also warned that bondholders could recover as little as 30 percent of their initial investment if the country restructures its debt. The move, which puts Greek debt on a par with bonds issued by Azerbaijan and Egypt, came minutes after the rating company reduced Portugal by two steps to A- from A+.

The turmoil comes as European Union policy makers struggle to agree on measures to ease the panic over swelling budget deficits. Leaders of the 16 euro nations may hold a summit after the Greek government’s decision last week to tap a 45 billion- euro ($60 billion) emergency-aid package failed to reassure investors, a European diplomat and Spanish official said.

“The markets are demanding their pound of flesh and want everything to be signed, sealed and delivered as of yesterday,” said David Owen, chief European financial economist at Jefferies International Ltd. in London.

The euro fell 1.3 percent to $1.3215 as of 2:58 p.m. in New York. The Stoxx Europe 600 Index slid 3.1 percent to 261.65 points.

Spreads

The spread on Greek 10-year bonds over German counterparts widened 23 basis points to 675 basis points, the highest since at least 1998, as investors increased bets that Greece will restructure its debt. The Portuguese spread jumped 59 basis points to 277 basis points, and the Spanish spread rose 12 basis points to 113.

“This is no longer a problem about Greece or Portugal, but about the euro system,” Eric Fine, who manages Van’s Eck’s G- 175 Strategies emerging-market hedge fund. “My concern is the risk of coordination failure. Policy makers need to get ahead of the curve.”

The crisis worsened this week as German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government delays a decision on whether to release funds for a Greek rescue. Merkel, who faces an election in the state of North Rhine-Westphalia on May 9, said yesterday that Greece “must do its homework” before getting aid.

Trichet Mission

European Central Bank President Jean-Claude Trichet, who is in Chicago today and declined to comment on the downgrades, travels to Berlin tomorrow to brief German lawmakers on Greece’s deficit-cutting plans. The country is struggling to convince investors it can push its deficit below the EU’s limit of 3 percent of gross domestic product from 13.6 percent last year.

“No one in Europe is suggesting” that “the total amount of financing on the table is going to cover all of Greece’s borrowing needs” over the next three years, said David Beers, Global Head of Sovereign and International Public Finance Ratings, at S&P today.

Greek bonds are still eligible as collateral at the ECB, as long as the other two rating companies don’t follow suit. Moody’s Investors Service rates Greece A3 and Fitch Ratings BBB- .

The EU’s inability to contain the Greek crisis is sparking concern that other countries will have to fend for themselves and will struggle to win support from European parliaments. Portugal’s PSI-20 benchmark dropped 5.4 percent today, the most since the aftermath of Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc.’s collapse. Spain’s IBEX 35 Index dropped 4.2 percent.

Contagion

“There is a clear risk that contagion pressures might intensify in the coming months, perhaps after a brief respite immediately after the Greek package is finalized and money starts being disbursed,” said Marco Annunziata, chief European economist at UniCredit Group in London.

Merkel said yesterday she expects a German decision in “days.” Greece faces 8.5 billion euros of bonds maturing in May, with the first redemption due May 19.

Portuguese Finance Minister Fernando Teixeira dos Santos said today his government needs to react to “attacks by markets” and will do what’s needed to reduce its deficit.

Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou asked for emergency cash from the EU and International Monetary Fund last week to avoid defaulting on its debt. Investors in Greek bonds may get back between 30 percent and 50 percent of the value of their holdings should the government default or restructure its debt, said S&P.

“The financial package has clearly not eased market concerns,” said Colin Ellis, European economist at Daiwa Capital Europe Ltd. in London. The Greek downgrade “together with Portugal and the widening of spreads means that other euro- area countries appear to be sliding to a similar fate.”

To contact the reporter on this story: Andrew Davis in Rome at abdavis@bloomberg.net Emma Ross-Thomas in Madrid at erossthomas@bloomberg.net









 
Global deflation?

http://american.com/archive/2010/april/the-deflation-club

The Deflation Club

By Vincent R. Reinhart Tuesday, April 27, 2010

Filed under: Economic Policy, Boardroom, Government & Politics, Numbers
Declining inflation, veering into outright price declines (or deflation) in some countries, continues to be a major risk to the global economy.

At about every opportunity, Federal Reserve officials remind the world that they have a plan to exit from their policy of unusual monetary accommodation. Those statements might merely be reassurances directed toward those worried that inflation will ignite, given the fodder provided by $1 trillion of reserves in the banking system. But if the Fed is planning to tighten policy sometime soon, it would be well served to study the latest forecast of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Even a quick scan shows that declining inflation, veering into outright price declines (or deflation) in some countries, continues to be a major risk to the global economy.

Twice a year, the IMF produces a comprehensive forecast for 183 countries in its World Economic Outlook (WEO). An important contribution of the WEO cycle is its updating of data on output and inflation consistently across many countries. There are economists and firms that spend more time looking at each country individually, but no one else pulls the data together on such a scale.

Two exercises with the latest WEO forecast encapsulate the risks to the global economy.

    Widespread deflation last year was worrisome. The momentum for further deflation this year suggests officials should not let down their guard.

First, the bars in the chart below plot the year-by-year share of countries in the total WEO data set posting an annual average inflation rate of 1 percent or lower. There are well-known problems with measuring price indexes, including that households shift their purchases away from items rising in price and toward cheaper goods in a manner that statisticians do not incorporate. As a consequence, a measured inflation rate of 1 percent or lower likely means that households are buying goods and services that, on average, are declining in price. A widespread decline in prices can put an economy at risk. Workers with fixed money wages look expensive to their employers as the prices of the goods and services they produce are declining. Anyone who has to repay a fixed amount of money sees the real burden, as their debt rises with deflation. Consumers might defer purchases today in favor of future bargains. Those forces restraining spending will be difficult for the national central bank to offset.

Reinhart 4.26A

The lowest that policy makers can drive down nominal (or money) interest rates is zero, so they cannot follow inflation lower once it veers into deflation. The whole process can get truly scary if the drag on spending sends prices even lower in the future. In such circumstances, a nation could get trapped in a downward deflationary spiral.

    In 2009, about one-quarter of the economies followed by IMF staff experienced deflation. This is the second-largest membership in the deflation club in the 30-year history provided by the IMF.

In 2009, about one-quarter of the economies followed by IMF staff experienced deflation (the red bar in the figure). This is the second-largest membership in the deflation club in the 30-year history provided by the IMF. The club was at its most crowded in 1998, when financial crises in Russia and Asia roiled many economies along the Pacific Rim. In one sense, there is not much news that deflation took hold last year as the global economy was on the rocks, with fully half of the WEO economies posting declines in real GDP. But the prevalence of price declines does not just record prior stresses, it also points to future risks. Deflation can leave lasting scars on balance sheets, and distortions in relative prices do not necessarily lift overnight.

The good news is that the IMF staff does not apparently see 2009 as the start of a deflationary spiral. Fewer than 7 percent of the 183 countries in the WEO are projected to have effective declines in prices this year.

At the risk of snatching defeat from the jaws of even this small victory, however, note that the IMF forecasts for 2010, published last week but put to bed last month, rest on scant hard readings on prices for this year. It is a forecast, not a fact, and the IMF publishes some other information on inflation that raises a caution flag.

    The whole process can get truly scary if the drag on spending sends prices even lower in the future. In such circumstances, a nation could get trapped in a downward deflationary spiral.

The WEO includes readings on inflation calculated in terms of percent changes in both annual-average and end-of-period consumer prices. If the price level was falling through the year, for example, its average would be above its level at calendar's end. Even if the price level were constant thereafter, time would have to pass before the annual average came down to the end-of-period level. As a consequence, if annual-average inflation is above its end-of-period brethren, then inflation is likely poised to fall. Thus, the details of the WEO forecast can be provide some information about the momentum of inflation, or how it is likely to change in the future.

Country by country, the gap between average and end-of-period inflation helps predict future inflation. The relationship even holds using data that aggregates across countries. By way of example, the figure below compares the share of countries with average inflation above the same year's end-of-period rate (along the horizontal axis) with the momentum in the median inflation rate among all countries (along the vertical axis). (Median inflation is the value that splits the sample right down the middle, with half above and half below. The momentum in inflation is just the difference between inflation next year and this year.) A negative relationship between the two inflation measures is quite evident, formalized in the average plotted as the blue solid line.

Reinhart 4.26B

That work done, the point to notice is the circle among the squares, which corresponds to the share of countries with average above end-of-period inflation in 2009 and the IMF's forecast of the momentum in median inflation. The year 2009 closed with 60 percent of the economies covered in the WEO having average inflation above the end-of-period value. The average relationship predicts that median inflation will decline about 1.25 percentage points from 2009 to 2010. The WEO projection, in contrast, is decidedly upbeat, with inflation rising five-eighths of a percentage point. This prediction that inflation will run above the historical line, by the way, comes after it had been much weaker than that relationship in the prior year (noted by the square associated with 2009 in the figure). Thus, central to the IMF's forecast is that inflation will rebound on the global stage in a manner far at odds with the prior three decades.

Widespread deflation last year was worrisome. The momentum for further deflation this year suggests officials should not let down their guard. Deflation is costly and rightly to be avoided. The global scale and scope of price declines and the prospect that more may be in store are probably sufficient reasons for the Federal Reserve to keep policy accommodation in place for an extended period.

Vincent Reinhart is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.
 
Counterproductive bailouts:

http://reason.com/blog/2010/05/02/greek-bailout-already-making-s

Greek Bailout Already Making Situation Worse

Tim Cavanaugh | May 2, 2010

The $146 billion bailout package approved this weekend for Greece is advertised as a move to "stop the worst crisis in the [euro]’s 11-year history," but it is having exactly the opposite effect.

We have to keep the money flowing or these people might go commie. First, the bailout, which effectively kicks Greece's pending default forward, has not solved the problem that the cost of debt service for the PIIGS countries is increasing. That's in part because this is not actually a problem. The question is not why Greece has to pay such a high yield on its bonds but why Portugal and other on-deck defaulters have to pay so little. The bailout was supposed to put debt buyers at ease about Europe's overleveraged states, but because it only allows these countries to take on more debt, it has not.

Second, while German Chancellor Angela Merkel is taking credit for bringing in International Monetary Fund support and forcing some tougher fiscal-cleanup conditions on Greece, the bailout does not address the counterproductive elements in Greece's own so-called austerity package, including currency controls and cash-transaction limitations that will only slow the country's economy. “This is an ambitious program that contains tough savings measures and on the other hand seeks to improve the efficiency of the Greek economy,” Merkel says. That may be true, but there is no math by which you can collect more taxes while reducing private sector economic activity.

Third, the move has only irritated German and French voters who are outraged at having to pay for the wastrelsy of a country that, it is now clear, should never have been a euro participant in the first place. Elections rarely turn on foreign affairs in any country, and the Financial Times' Quentin Peel makes the case that the Greek bailout will not have a big impact on this week's vote in North Rhine-Westphalia. But if the goal of the aid package was to build confidence throughout the euro zone, it doesn't seem to have accomplished that either.

Fourth, the status of the euro itself has been undermined, not strengthened, by the bailout. No doubt some Keynesian Klown will pop up to blame this development on "speculators," "ratings agencies," or the biggest devil of all, "markets." Back on Planet Earth, futures traders, who get rewarded by guessing correctly what will happen to an asset, are hammering the euro. BusinessWeek reports:

    The euro has depreciated 7 percent this year, including last week’s 0.7 percent loss, as growing concern that the sovereign debt crisis will slow Europe’s economy reduced confidence in a region whose $13.6 trillion gross domestic product is exceeded only by the U.S.

    “Greece is a Lehman Brothers for the sovereign world,” Robin Marshall, who helps oversee $20 billion as director of fixed income at Smith & Williamson Asset Management in London, said yesterday. “A 100 billion euro package is a big amount and it might help to buy Greece some breathing space, but as an investor I’m still cautious. Policy makers can promise what they like, I still have doubts that the Greeks will have the stomach to take these tough measures.”

Fifth, Marshall's doubts are well founded. As they have shown throughout this crisis, Greece's strong and ancient socialist institutions can only respond to market discipline with violence. From the London Times:

    May Day protests in Greece turned violent yesterday as youths in gas masks and hoods set fire to vehicles, smashed shop fronts and threw molotov cocktails and rocks at police in an explosion of fury over austerity measures they claim will hurt only the poor.

    Tourists were cut off from their hotels as thousands of communists, civil servants and private-sector workers converged on a main square in Athens to vent their rage at the European Union and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

    “No to the IMF’s junta,” they chanted as a youth in a black hood produced a hammer to try to smash windows of the luxury Grande Bretagne hotel.

    Another painted anti-capitalist slogans on the facade, and demonstrators intervened to prevent him from spraying an Australian woman with paint as she tried to get back into the hotel. Japanese tourists stood taking photographs of the mayhem with mobile phones before being forced to retreat, coughing and sneezing, under a cloud of tear gas.

So you have politicians defying the will of the voters to pour more water into a leaky bucket; transnational economic planners destroying a currency in order to save it; markets responding to those actions with predictable horror; and the few recipients of all the largesse too dumb to say "Thank you." This is apparently what EU stability looks like.
 
More on Greece and the possible fate of the EU:

http://pajamasmedia.com/blog/so-long-and-thanks-for-all-the-drachmae/?singlepage=true

So Long, and Thanks for all the Drachmae

Europe ought to consider giving Greece a lovely parting gift. Thanks for coming over! But the hour's late, and after your $146 billion bailout, tomorrow's hangover promises to be quite a nasty one.
May 4, 2010
- by Stephen Green

Greece has been bailed out to the tune of $146 billion — the priciest ever. But instead of a bailout, Europe ought to consider it a lovely parting gift. Greece, thanks for coming over, but the hour is late, and tomorrow’s hangover promises to be a nasty one.

Oh — and Portugal, Ireland, Italy, and Spain? Won’t you please grab your coats and hats and follow Greece outside?

The party was a fun one — at least for certain guests — but the time has come for the euro to go. Greece should be the first out, as a condition of the bailout — er, of the lovely parting gift. Then the rest of the PIIGS need to follow suit. And after that? Germany and France can turn out the lights on the eurozone.

The eurozone, as I’ve said from the start, was ill-conceived, and for a very simple reason. With few exceptions, a currency should only be as widespread as a labor force is mobile. (interpolation: Canadians and Americans have some labour mobility across the border, do we meet that condition?)

I can see this is going to take some explaining, but I’ll keep it short and simple.

The United States is a big country, in terms of area and population. But a single currency works just fine for 300-plus million people, spread out from sea to shining sea — and all the way out to Hawaii and to Alaska, too. And it works for us because anybody can be a Californian or a Texan or a North Carolinian or a South Dakotan. We’re all Americans, and there’s very little, apart from personal taste, to keep us from living anywhere we choose.

So if jobs disappear in California, for example, people can and will go to Texas.

And that means that a single monetary policy can and will work for the entire nation. Each state’s economy and employment don’t need to rise and fall together, because millions of people maintain the balance themselves — by moving around. And Americans move around a lot, more than any other people in the world.

So Texas and California can get away with having a uniform monetary policy, even when California has taxed and spent and regulated itself into looking like Greece, while the Texas economy is stronger than, say, Germany’s.

Now let’s look at those same two eurozone examples: Germany and Greece. Just like Texas and California, they use a single currency and have a uniform monetary policy set for them by others.

We’ll go way out on a limb here, and pretend that Greece has just taxed and spent and regulated itself into oblivion, while the German government has acted more-or-less responsibly. OK, maybe we’re not so far out on that limb.

The normal course for a country in Greece’s situation would be to devalue the currency — to make Greek labor and exports and, most importantly, Greek debt, much cheaper vis-à-vis Germany’s. And Greece could slash interest rates to get the economy churning again, or boost them to attract foreign capital.

But Greece can’t do any of those things, because Athens surrendered the drachma, and its monetary policy, to its new overlords at the European Central Bank. And the ECB won’t do any of those things, lest it destroy Germany’s economy — and France’s and Holland’s and Norway’s, too.

In our American example above, when Sacramento screws the pooch, a lá Athens, then Californians head east and make new lives. But are Greeks going to give up their ancestral homelands to find work in Germany? By and large, no. And if they did, eventually Berlin would close the border to any more jobless Greeks. Which is a real shame, because it’s so hard to find good gyros in Frankfurt.

Americans are Americans anywhere in America. But despite decades of effort in Brussels on the whole “European Project,” there’s still no such thing as a “European.” If there were, if Europeans were happy to move about like Americans do, then the eurozone might just work.

But so long as Germans are Germans and Greeks are Greeks, then never the twain shall meet. And to pretend otherwise is to court a disaster where the recklessness of one tiny country can risk bringing down an entire continent — as Europe is learning right this very minute. And at $146 billion, that’s one expensive lesson.

So it’s probably necessary that the EU bail out Greece, before the contagion spreads any farther. But the only way to stop the rot once and for all requires something more drastic: amputation. And that means abandoning the euro, in as orderly a fashion as is possible.

It’s last call. The party’s over. And it’s long past time for the rowdier guests do the walk of shame back home.

Stephen Green writes, broadcasts, and enjoys the occasional lovely adult beverage at the home he shares with his wife and son in Monument, Colorado.
 
Thucydides said:
Pretty amazing what is considered time sensitive; industrial production used to be shipped by sea. I would never have imagined large car parts (like transmissions) would be cost effective to send by air freight. The ripple effects will be felt here as well, although in strange and unexpected ways.

I worked on a project in 2008 for GM Europe Powertrain managing a couple dozen of their worst performing suppliers (from a production perspective). Mainly it was due to increased production requirements in Europe after years of Opel declines. One supplier made transmission gears and were transferring their production from Germany to the US. The German factory couldn't make the gears fast enough and we couldn't wait for the US factory to make parts using US steel (due to the length of time required to validate the new steel source). We had to airship tonnes of German steel to the US for them to forge the gears and then airship the gears back to Austria for assembly into the transmission. If I remember correctly it was over $250,000 USD. Generally of course they want to send everything by sea, but it's cheaper to send by air than shutdown an assembly plant (supposedly). I know that a supplier in Mexico was shipping aluminum heads globally by air daily - Australia, Asia, Europe, and it lasted for over a year. It cost them millions. There were two other projects I've worked on in the past where we had to use helicopters to transport from the airport to the factory - landing in the parking lot to delivery the material because a truck was too slow.
 
Greece responds to the bailout, but in a way which pretty much garuntees there will be no help forthcoming in the future. The outlook seems pretty bleak right now:



Greek Default Averted . . . For Now
May 5 2010, 3:41 PM ET |  Comment

Can a Greek bailout work?  If by work, we mean prevent the country from defaulting when it's time to roll over its debt this month, then yes, it can and will work.  But over the long run?  I don't see how it can, barring some sort of miraculous global boom in olives and Greek cruises. 

As others have pointed out, Greece has a primary deficit of over 8%.  Which is to say that even if you make the debt payments go away, the country is only taking in enough tax revenue to cover 91% of its spending.  Given how poor Greek tax compliance is, this means that austerity plans will literally have to be on the table no matter what happens:  if they default, they won't be able to borrow any more money, and will have to run at least neutral; and if they don't default, they will have to cut deeply in order to make their debt payments.

And the Greek population is, to put it mildly, not down with that. 

A nationwide general strike paralyzed Greece on Wednesday as protests against the government's recently announced austerity measures turned violent, with an apparent firebomb attack on a central Athens bank killing three people.

Wednesday's 24-hour strike is seen as a key test of the government's ability to shepherd through tough austerity measures in exchange for a €110 billion ($143 billion) bailout loan from the European Union and the International Monetary Fund.

The strike coincided with protests that brought out tens of thousands of Greeks, one of the country's largest protests in years. Angry youths rampaged through the center of Athens, torching several businesses and smashing shop windows.

So default doesn't fix their problems, and a small but enthusiastic minority of the population apparently thinks violence prevents budget cuts.  Where does that leave Greece?

Withdrawal from the euro, that's where.  This too will not be painless--it's simply default by a different name.  Which means no more borrowing.  But withdrawal from the euro at least allows the government to make its exports (and tourist industry) competitive again, and frees the country from an excessively tight monetary policy designed for richer countries that aren't mired in recession.  Default or not, staying in the euro almost certainly means slow growth, which will make the pain of fiscal adjustment even more painful.

Obviously, this could be prevented with sufficient transfers--but I don't see sufficient transfers forthcoming.  Even if the other eurozone nations wanted to, it's not clear that they have the money.  And they sure as hell don't have the money to bail out Greece . . . and Portugal . . . and Spain . . . and maybe Italy and Ireland too . . . which is where this path is heading.

What this seems to be showing is that you cannot layer rich-world monetary policy on top of countries that don't have the social, political or economic institutions to support it.  The experiment failed in Argentina, and it's failing just as spectacularly here.  Importing monetary policy from another country temporarily gives you more credibility with the marketplace--but it also puts you in grave danger of this kind of dramatic mismatch between your needs and those of wealthier countries with more robust economic institutions.
 
The problem we are seeing is not confined to Greece, nor just to the PIIGS,* nor even to Europe. Too much of the world, including the USA, is living on borrowed money and, consequently, borrowed time. Savings rates in most Western countries (and most third world countries, too) are too low because most people and the governments they elect are spending too much too fast on non-essentials. We have moved beyond being happy to have our votes bought with our own money to expecting our votes to be bought with someone else's money - Chinese money, mainly.

There is essential spending - including essential public spending, which includes but is not limited to defence and a few others.  Sometimes some essential services must be provided by the government, sometimes essential services are best provided by government, sometimes governments should contract out some essential services. The key point is that we should fund only essential services. The problem is that the people get very, even violently unhappy when they learn that 'free' public pensions and 'universal' and 'free' health care are not essential services but the national defence and paying the interest on the debt are.

Blood on the streets, as in Athens, will become more and more normal in more and more cities as the economic chickens come home to roost - not just in Greece, either.


--------------------
* Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain
 
Apparently, a good economy can lead to bad things:

China has world's fastest-growing syphilis epidemic; fuelled by economic growth

Written by: Margie Mason, The Associated Press  May 5, 2010

Every hour a baby is born in China with syphilis, as the world's fastest-growing epidemic of the disease is fuelled by men with new money from the nation's booming economy, researchers say.

The easy-to-cure bacterial infection, which was nearly wiped out in China five decades ago, is now the most commonly reported sexually transmitted disease in its largest city, Shanghai.

Prostitutes along with gay and bisexual men, many of whom are married with families, are driving the epidemic, according to a commentary published Thursday in the New England Journal of Medicine.

The increase reflects the country's staggering economic growth, providing both businessmen and migrant labourers more cash and opportunity to pay for unsafe sex while away from home.

More on link
 
Without comment:

http://blogs.the-american-interest.com/wrm/2010/05/07/its-a-crisis-of-faith-not-a-crisis-of-stocks/

It’s A Crisis of Faith Not A Crisis of Stocks

Posted In: Economics, History, Middle East, Religion


From my hotel balcony here in West Jerusalem, I can see the walls of the Old City, and behind them the steeples and minarets of this city that haunts the imagination of the world.  The religions of Jerusalem have been around a long time, and in their separate ways the faiths and the religious establishments of the Jewish, Christian and Islamic worlds today face a variety of challenges.

But with the world’s financial markets gyrating wildly and the threat of a true depression looming over the still fragile economic recovery, the faith today that seems under the heaviest assault is more modern: the faith that natural and social science would lead humanity to an era of progress, security and peace.  The religion of Enlightenment, born in Europe and North America in the 18th century, swept through the world faster than any of the faiths of the old prophets.  Barely two hundred years after its birth the faith in progressive modernity had conquered the world.

Like the other religions, the Enlightenment faith comes in several flavors.  Its two main denominations were Marxist and Liberal.  By 1960 about one third of the world’s people lived under governments who claimed to believe that Marxist social science and modern technology would usher in a golden age of global peace and abundance.  Most of the rest of the world lived under one or another form of Liberalism, believing that free markets plus liberal political institutions and modern technology would bring in the golden age.

The religion of the Enlightenment spread so far and so fast because it worked.  That is, modern science and technology really did heal the sick, feed the hungry, and bring light and life to the poor.  More and more people reached unprecedented levels of personal affluence, even as lifespans grew longer and medical progress made life less unpredictable and tragic as fewer women died in childbirth and fewer children died before growing up.

Over time, Liberalism beat Marxism as the failures of Marxism became blindingly evident.  By 1990 the Soviet Union was crumbling and it appeared that the ideas of the liberal enlightenment had all the answers humanity needs.

That faith is now facing a set of challenges that are far starker and more difficult to overcome than those facing the traditional religions.

Most urgently, there is the question of the economy.  No group of intellectuals in the last twenty years was more dogmatic, more smug, more confident that they had the answers than the world’s professionally trained economists.  Yet the twenty years since the fall of the Soviet Union have seen a series of escalating economic crises that has culminated in the present three years of upheaval and turmoil.  The IMF, the World Bank, the central banks of the leading economies, have never been so well staffed with so many well trained economists.  The Federal Reserve and its peers have never had so much information, so much autonomy, and such powerful tools of analysis.

The economics departments of the world’s leading universities have never searched so hard for the best talent and given that talent so many opportunities and facilities for study as now.  Economic theory has never been as highly developed, the peer-review process never been so vigorous or so well supported, the rewards of success in the field have never been so great.

And yet, still, somehow, the global economy seems not to be working particularly well; more than that, the world’s economists don’t seem particularly good at either predicting economic behavior or preventing disasters.

I don’t mean this as a Luddite screed against knowledge and science.  Not only the economists, but their colleagues across the fields of learning and knowledge, have hugely expanded the possibilities of human life and helped us organize ourselves in ways that are far more productive and effective than anything our ancestors knew.  And I don’t think that the way out of our present difficulties involves burning the books, forgetting what we know, and going back to some primitive or fundamentalist view of the world.

But I think it points to an important truth, one that somehow seems especially clear here in Jerusalem: while liberal modernity has succeeded as a way of organizing human society for greater productivity and power, it has failed as a religion.  The rational, liberal enlightenment has helped us master the forces of nature (though events like the oil spill in the Gulf remind us that we still have much to learn in this respect), but it has not done much to help us master ourselves or to shape our destiny.

We do not fear natural disasters quite as much as we used to, but we are, if anything, more exposed to social and historical disaster than ever before.  The crops don’t fail as frequently as they used to, leaving us exposed to famine and starvation.  But stock markets and national economies burn out and threaten us with social consequences that can be even more devastating.

For the last generation, we have been acting on the assumption that the great problems have been solved, the great questions answered, and that all that remains is the application of our correct general principles to particular cases.  In other words, we have assumed that we are living in an Age of Technique.

I think that is wrong.  I think even the experts don’t have the solutions to many of our problems.  The twenty-first century is a time of uncertainty, risk, revolution and explosion and unfortunately we are heading into it with some assumptions that look less and less likely.

There is for example the assumption that social science can yield reliable techniques for political action.  Economics is far and away the best developed and most intellectually rigorous of the social sciences, and it is clearly a useful discipline that generates valuable insights.  Yet it seems less and less likely that we will ever have the kind of economics of which we all dream: a set of ideas and formulae that when followed yield automatic and growing prosperity.  Human beings are too cranky and too unpredictable; our social interactions are too complex and shift too quickly; culture, history and institutions are too deeply embedded in our lives to eradicate for our behavior to be pinned down by equations and computer regressions like butterflies in a display case.

It’s clear for one thing that our economists and central bankers, sage and wise though they are, don’t know how to steer national and regional economies through the kinds of challenges we face.  Looking at Europe, it’s clear that political elites can’t bridge the cultural divides between Greece and Germany.  Given that, it is next to impossible to imagine how they will create a framework of global governance that suits Saudi Arabia, India, China, Russia, the United States and Brazil anytime soon.

Economic policy and more generally governance and social policy are going to remain arts and not sciences.  Politics is going to be a matter of inspired (and frequently uninspired) guesswork.  Things will sometimes go massively wrong.  It’s not just that Wall Street computer glitches at critical moments will cause the stock market to dive; much larger historical events depend on unknown, unknowable risks. Nobody knows what China should do to avoid social and economic explosions as its massive transformation continues; at some point the Chinese are almost certain to get it disastrously wrong.  There is no surefire strategy in peace that can prevent war; there is no surefire strategy in war that can lead to a guaranteed victory; there is no surefire strategy to make money in stocks.

This doesn’t just mean that world stock markets are going to stay as risky as they were when Mark Twain wrote Pudd’nhead Wilson’s calendar:

OCTOBER: This is one of the peculiarly dangerous months to speculate in stocks in. The others are July, January, September, April, November, May, March, June, December, August, and February.

It also means that another one of our operating assumptions is wrong.  We like to assume that history is getting calmer, more settled, safer and more predictable.  It ain’t.  history is going to remain radically risky, radically unknowable, and scarier than anything Stephen King ever wrote.

Liberal democratic capitalism is not a strategy for making God unnecessary by creating a stable and predictable world.  Liberal democratic capitalism is a revolutionary force that brings us face to face with the haunting uncertainties and big questions that since the dawn of time have driven people to God in search of answers.

Jerusalem is a good city in which to contemplate the crisis of humanity’s faith that enlightened reason can solve our problems and make us safe.  The constant efforts to find a way for Jerusalem’s religious and tribal groups to divide the city and reach some kind of peaceful solution have frustrated the efforts of some of the world’s greatest statesmen and leaders.

Sometimes as I watch diplomats toil to bring peace to Jerusalem, and European elites struggle to build a new kind of political architecture to give Europe a better future, or watch economists everywhere trying to develop the policy and regulatory frameworks that can give us the kind of steady growth we all yearn for, I feel as if I’m watching Sisyphus struggling to push his rock up the slope — or watching the ancient Middle Easterners try to build a tower in Babel that would reach up to the sky.

The Tower of Babel fell; the global system fell in 1914 and then crashed repeatedly through the twentieth century. Worst case, something like that could be looming just ahead.

If it is, we will need Jerusalem more than ever.  This city points to the fragility and failure of human striving; but it also points to an enduring hope.  The domes, steeples and minarets of Jerusalem point to our undiminished capacity to recover, to rebuild, to rediscover faith in the ruins of broken dreams.  The Middle East is littered with the ruins of fallen towers, but people keep building.

There is still a better than even chance that the world economy will recover its footing, and that the Greek mess is a stumble rather than a fall.  But sooner or later the unthinkable will happen, the bottom really will fall out of things, and we will all be left groping for some way to understand what is happening around us.

When that day comes, it will be to Jerusalem that most of us turn; the gods of Brussels are letting us down.
 
I see four options.

Blame the world's ills on:

No One
Me
My Neighbour
God

I find it disconcerting to exist in an environment where random chance rules and I have nothing beyond this existence.  It makes it difficult to get up in the morning.

Blaming myself is even more debilitating.  If everything I do has negative consequences then better I should do nothing.

Blaming my neighbour?  Well neighbours tend to take exception to that and I spend a fair bit of time ducking and jabbing.  Not much time left to be productive.

What does that leave?  I figure he/she/it is probably big enough to suck it up for both of us.

Cheers.
 
Once the foundation cracks, the entire structure will shift or collapse:

http://www.investors.com/NewsAndAnalysis/Article.aspx?id=532490

U.S. Debt Shock May Hit In 2018, Maybe As Soon As 2013: Moody's

By JED GRAHAM, INVESTOR'S BUSINESS DAILY Posted 05/05/2010 07:56 PM ET

Spiraling debt is Uncle Sam's shock collar, and its jolt may await like an invisible pet fence.

"Nobody knows when you bump up against the limit, but you know when it happens it will really hurt," said fiscal watchdog Maya MacGuineas of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget.

The great uncertainty about how much debt is too much has tended to make fiscal discipline seem less urgent, rather than more. There is no obvious threshold beyond which investors will demand higher real yields for holding U.S. debt. Vague warnings from ratings agencies about the loss of America's 'AAA' status haven't added much clarity — until recently.

In the wake of the financial crisis and recession, Moody's Investors Service has brought new transparency to its sovereign ratings analysis — so much so that 2018 lights up as the year the U.S. could be in line for a downgrade if Congressional Budget Office projections hold.

The key data point in Moody's view is the size of federal interest payments on the public debt as a percentage of tax revenue. For the U.S., debt service of 18%-20% of federal revenue is the outer limit of AAA-territory, Moody's managing director Pierre Cailleteau confirmed in an e-mail.

Under the Obama budget, interest would top 18% of revenue in 2018 and 20% in 2020, CBO projects.

But under more adverse scenarios than the CBO considered, including higher interest rates, Moody's projects that debt service could hit 22.4% of revenue by 2013.

"While we see limited risk of a U.S. sovereign debt downgrade in the next 2-3 years, beyond that we cannot be so certain," wrote Societe Generale's economics team in a recent report.

The Moody's ratings framework is one that could have a significant influence on policy — particularly in a crisis.

Because debt levels and interest rates can't be lowered overnight, the obvious way of staying within the AAA limits set by Moody's would be to raise revenue.

"It would bias the remedy in favor of tax increases for countries that want to improve their bond rating," said Brian Riedl, budget analyst at the conservative Heritage Foundation.

Because economic growth is a key to fiscal health, Riedl argues that a ratings agency concerned about whether bondholders are repaid should bias spending cuts over tax increases.

Moody's says that its framework focuses on debt affordability rather than debt levels as a percentage of GDP. "The higher this ratio (interest/revenue), the more public debt constrains the formulation and delivery of other policies," Moody's analysts wrote in March.

As implied by the adverse scenario, a financial market shock from higher interest rates could precede the threat of a downgrade. In other words, investors might be less forgiving of U.S. fiscal policy than Moody's.

For instance, markets began pricing in a Greek default as a real possibility well before Standard & Poor's downgraded that nation's debt rating to junk last week.

Brian Bethune, chief U.S. financial economist at IHS Global Insight, says "the occasional missives about this problem (from ratings agencies) could put some pressure on rates" in advance of any ratings change.

Bethune is among economists who see CBO projections as "wishful thinking."

The budget scorekeeper's outlook assumes discretionary spending restraint, broad-based tax hikes and well-behaved interest rates. Nevertheless, it sees debt reaching 90% of GDP in 2020, up from 53% at the end of 2009.

In the new Milken Institute Review, Len Burman, former director of the Tax Policy Center and now a professor at Syracuse University, calls CBO projections "wildly optimistic."

"They presuppose that interest rates on government securities will remain historically low, and that the economy will grow at a historically healthy clip," Burman wrote.

Treasury yields have been dropping in recent weeks as investors seek safety amid Europe's growing financial crisis, but some see risks emerging.

"The Chinese have been big buyers" of Treasuries but are no longer running surpluses, said Societe Generale senior U.S. economist Aneta Markowska. "They just don't have the marginal dollars to recycle back into the Treasury market," she said.

Raising taxes to stem the tide will be counterproductive, we are already seeing a reduction in tax revenue in the US in advance of the expiration of the Bush administration's tax cuts and implementation of Obamacare, and people and investors are pulling in their horns even further in expectation of VAT and "Cap and Trade" tax schemes.

No, the only sure way to safety lies in massive spending cuts; the end of subsidies and "entitlements". We have seen the reaction in Greece to the realization of this truth (riots, firebombings and even death), and you can imagine the political and economic elites, bureaucrats, members of the academy and every other taxpayer funded institution fighting desperately to the last taxpayer to retain their powers and privileges even as everything collapses around them.

What happens after you draw the sign of the dollar in the air?
 
It appears, to me that the main American tactic (I don't think there is a strategy worth the name in DC or on Wall Street), is to inflate their way out of debt. Debasing the currency might be a good useful, short term fix but it has deleterious long term consequences. See e.g. Thomas Gresham and the reform of England's debased currency in Elizabethan England.

The solution to America's problems are the same as the solutions to the problems facing Greece, Portugal, Italy, Spain, France and Britain: stop spending more than you earn. In America's case it is defence + social spending that will, left alone, drive the country to destruction - bankruptcy. America is not rich enough and cannot continue to borrow enough to be powerful and fat at the same time.

Despite the pain it inflicts upon Ontario's manufacturing (export) sector, the high value Canada's currency is reflecting the (relatively) sound state of the economy (relative that is to the PIIGS, Britain, Japan and America). But we, Canada, will be badly hurt when, not if, America must face fiscal and monetary reality. The Americans will try debase their currency enough to settle their foreign debts at pennies to the dollar and, in the process, drive us out of their markets; they will fail - at least at lowering the value of the Chinese debt. When, again not if, the Chinese choose to assert their important position in maintaining America's internal, social harmony they will have demands, including, I'm guessing, America's strategic withdrawal from Asia.
 
The Americans will try debase their currency enough to settle their foreign debts at pennies to the dollar and, in the process, drive us out of their markets; they will fail - at least at lowering the value of the Chinese debt.
¸

Debasing the currency drives down the value of your debt but increasess the cost of imports.  So the cost of servicing old debt is increased but the tendency to aquire new debt is also increased.......Only solution, stop buying new clothes and knit your own sweaters.

And that would be truly unfortunate.

 
Coincidentally found while scanning through the Sunday commentary.

This chap says, with much more precision, clarity and authority, what I have been skating around for a while:  15 barrels to the ounce.

...As the late Warren Brookes wrote in his 1982 book, The Economy In Mind, "In 1970 an ounce of gold ($35) would buy 15 barrels OPEC oil ($2.30/bbl). In May 1981 an ounce of gold ($480) still bought 15 barrels of Saudi oil ($32/bbl)......

....Considering oil's aforementioned spike to $147/barrel in 2008, an ounce of gold then only bought 6.8 barrels of oil. What this meant at the time was that oil was due for a major correction as its price fell back to historical ratios.....

.....Right now gold trades in the $1176 range, and the price of oil is roughly $79 per barrel. That an ounce of gold buys 15 barrels of oil signals yet again that the real price of oil has hardly changed at all over the last 10 years of allegedly costly crude. Still, $79 oil ensures $3/gallon gasoline as far as the eye can see, and it's a fair bet that the price will stay there so long as gold continues to test all-time highs.........
 
Here are some reputable Canadian economists’ views on the global economy, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from the CTV web site:

http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20100509/EU-financial-rescue-plan-100509/20100509?hub=TopStoriesV2
Euro crisis could drag world into recession: economists

CTV.ca News Staff
Date: Sunday May. 9, 2010

Some economists are predicting that the Greek financial crisis could drag the rest of Europe, the United States and possibly the entire global economy back into recession.

Ian Lee, of Carleton University's Sprott School of Business, told CTV's Question Period Sunday that crushing government deficits and debt loads in Greece and other nations are threatening to quash the still-fragile recovery.

"We are going to be running into serious problems," he said. "I think we are risking going back into recession because there's no serious effort to confront these problems in the United States or in Europe."

Lee said that European governments have failed miserably in their attempts to manage Greece's financial meltdown and that failure could have dire consequences for the rest of the world economy.

"The European leaders are just delusional, because they are denying the fundamental problem … (that) these debts are completely unsustainable," he said. "The markets realize that Greece is insolvent, but the leadership of Europe have been running behind on this issue."

Economist Jeff Rubin said the Greek and other European governments aren't the only ones facing possible bankruptcy.

"The problem is not about Portugal, Italy, Greece or Spain. The problem is we're all pigs (at the trough) now, and in particular the United States," he said. "That poses a much greater systemic risk to capital markets than Greek debt.

"The U.S. has a deficit that is in double-digit territory in relationship to its GDP: usually that would bring an IMF swat team to the table."

He said Greece and possibly other struggling EU nations will be forced to leave the euro, the European common currency, and their economic problems will have far-reaching consequences.

"People are looking at the problems in Greece; looking at the problems in Portugal and Spain and extrapolating that and saying those problems are coming to an economy close to you."

IMF approves $40-billion bailout

The board of the International Monetary Fund voted Sunday to approve a $40-billion loan to Greece over the next three years -- its share of a $140-billion rescue package.

Earlier in the day, the euro-zone leaders gave final approval for a $100-billion rescue package of loans to Greece over the same time period, to keep the country's economy from imploding.

Meanwhile, the chair of a meeting of EU finance ministers promised on Sunday to "defend the euro" with a rescue plan for the embattled currency that will be in place before markets open.

But Spanish Finance Minister Elena Salgado did not disclose any details of what's in store.

Salgado, who presided over the emergency ministerial meeting, said the finance ministers would use it to work out plans to improve the stability of the euro after the currency was rocked over the past weeks by the Greek financial meltdown.

"We have to give more stability to our currency ... We will do whatever is necessary," he said.

But so far, the finance ministers have been tightlipped what the measures will be.

They could involve balance of payment support that has already been available to some EU nations outside of the euro-zone. There is also talk about specific loan guarantees, which countries like Britain may oppose since it could be seen as a bailout fund.

Specific measures will have to be approved by the time markets open Monday because vague promises have been unable to calm markets over the past weeks.

"We need to make progress today because in the night, when the markets are opening, we cannot afford disappointments," said Swedish Foreign Minister Anders Borg.

Some nations blamed fragile governments and a lack of European co-operation for the crisis.

"I'm against putting all the blame on speculation," said Austrian Finance Minister Josef Proell. "Speculation is only successful against countries that have mismanaged their finances for years."

Rubin warned against bailout packages may only delay the inevitable, because eventually the money has to be repaid.

"Yesterday's bailout is tomorrow's spending cut," he said. "We've now put ourselves in the situation where there's no longer any room for fiscal stimulus in the future."

When the bills for any bailouts come due, he said it will be "akin to the government having floored the accelerator all of a sudden hitting the breaks. And it just won't be in Greece or Spain that they're hitting the brakes, they're soon going to be hitting the breaks in the American economy too."

Financial markets have continued to sell off the euro and Greek bonds even as EU leaders have insisted for days that the Greek financial implosion is a unique combination of bad management, free spending and statistical cheating that doesn't apply to other euro-zone nations.

Many economists think Greece will eventually default anyway, which could deal a sharp blow to the euro and lead to sharply higher borrowing costs for other indebted countries in Europe.

Default could lead to panic, intimidating consumers from spending and making banks fearful to lend money to businesses and consumers.

Lee said the Canadian economy should be at least partially insulated from any global economic mayhem, but we won't be entirely immune.

"I don't think we can avoid the outside world ... but if we do go into another recession, following Europe and the U.S. -- if they do -- I don't think it will be as painful here because of the resilience of this economy."

With files from The Associated Press


Greece is not the only problem; it’s not even the real problem. The USA is, in most respects, more profligate and less  honest than Greece – it is living on borrowed money and borrowed time because the American people – Tea Partiers included – are unwilling to make the direct, personal sacrifices necessary to restore some balance in their economy.

The Chinese are willing to sustain them for a long, long time but, eventually, China will demand to be paid and Americans will be very, very unhappy. So unhappy, I fear that some many, including some politicians, may be willing to risk a war that American cannot win.
 
The Chinese are willing to sustain them for a long, long time but, eventually, China will demand to be paid and Americans will be very, very unhappy. So unhappy, I fear that some many, including some politicians, may be willing to risk a war that American cannot win.

That is exactly what I say to my surrounding, but no one seems to care. Glad I can read it on a forum.
 
More regulatory failure, note how rating agencies were made into the arm of the State, only now the State turns on them...

http://reason.com/blog/2010/05/10/rater-haters-finally-find-a-re

Rater Haters Finally Find a Reason to Turn On Moody's, and It's a Bad Reason

Tim Cavanaugh | May 10, 2010

That's what a BBB- rating looks like!"You know someone or something is in deep trouble when the search for scapegoats happens in the middle of a crisis rather than after it has ended," Mish Shedlock says in a characteristically no-holds-barred survey of the various targets in the euro-meltdown witch hunt.

The one good thing about witch hunts is that they occasionally catch guilty people. In the trans-Atlantic war on prosperity, governments have finally settled on a common enemy: the investment rating agencies that have been downgrading government debt in Europe and the United States.

Olli Rehn, European Commissioner for Economic and Financial Affairs, says the agencies were "behind the curve and reinforced the curve." That sounds a little like grabbing yourself by the hair and holding yourself at arm's length, and it's typical of the illogical complaints being made by European leaders against Fitch and Standard & Poor's for their rapid downgrading of Greece's sovereign debt.

On this side of the pond, the Securities and Exchange Commission is putting pressure on Moody's, and Sen. Al Franken (D-Minnesota) is introducing regulation of rating agencies into the stalled finance bill.

Note that the rating agencies are not getting dinged in response to their legitimate failures -- the famously too-high ratings awarded to Enron, Lehman Brothers and the universe of junk debt instruments. They're being punished for doing the right thing: sounding the alarm on Europe's manifest sovereign debt crisis and America's looming one. By coincidence, Moody's recently issued a widely publicized warning that the U.S. could be looking at a serious public debt emergency by 2013. No wonder Franken wants to rein in the raters that were considered jim-dandy back when President Obama first introduced his financial regulation bill. The agencies have gotten themselves into trouble by trespassing on government property.

Ironically, the raters have recently been making nice with government by applying a new standard for municipal debt that ups the weighting of historical performance and thus takes some of the heat off over-leveraged local governments. This is the standard Mark Twain applied to Wagner's music: "It's not as bad as it sounds." But what makes the scapegoating of the ratings agencies particularly rich is that their excessive power is itself a creation of government. The London Independent's Nihil Kumar explains:

    The agencies weren't responsible for Lehman's investment decisions, nor did they pile all this debt on Greece's balance sheet. But how is it that despite being criticised in the recent past, a piece of research from one of their ilk triggers such worry in both dealing rooms and the corridors of power? The answer, many argue, is that the agencies are often backed up by the same governments they can unsettle by shuffling their ratings. In the US, New York University professor Lawrence White traces the rise of the agencies from John Moody's ratings of railroad bonds at the turn of the last century. His firm was joined by Poor's publishing company in 1916, and then the Fitch publishing company in 1924, the precursors of today's giants, with the three selling their views in thick ratings manuals.

  The mid-1930s were a key marker. The US Office of the Comptroller of the Currency prohibited banks from putting money in "speculative investment securities" as determined by "recognised ratings manuals". This effectively endowed ratings with the force of law, according to Professor White. Other regulators followed suit and in the 1970s the SEC came up with a new category of nationally recognised statistical rating organisations, or NRSROs. From then on, NRSRO ratings were used to work out the capital requirements of broker-dealers, thereby entrenching the role of the agencies in the financial system.

    These and other moves – in Europe today, for instance, ratings play a role within the Basel II framework of calculating capital requirements for banks – put the agencies on a "pedestal", according to Professor White. The key to curbing their influence is less, not more regulation, he says, arguing for the elimination of regulatory reliance on ratings.

    And that's what a real austerity program looks like! The political imperative seems to be moving in the opposite direction, however. In Europe, the push is towards more rules, as opposed to removing the agencies from the regulatory system. "That is a broader debate, which we should probably have but like a lot of things, is not being pursued at the moment," says Patrick Buckingham, a regulatory partner at the law firm Herbert Smith.

"There are too few agencies in too few hands," says Michel Barnier, European Commissioner for Internal Market and Services. "We'll work with the players of the sector to increase competitiveness." That is simply not true. The plan as of now is not to increase competitiveness but to put the "few hands" under tighter control by the governments they're supposed to be rating.

Of all the reasons to disdain ratings agencies, the Western governments have managed to find the bad one. To blame short sellers or S&P or hedge fund managers or "speculators" is to condemn your only friends, the people telling you to stop gorging, now, and go on a diet. The sovereign deadbeats could have saved themselves all this tsouris by taking the advice of that great economist and monetary policy expert Kate Moss: "Nothing tastes as good as skinny feels."
 
Maybe Al Franken's move is prompted by this report from Forbes, which say that Martin Weiss, who runs his own rating system, is actively advocating stripping the US of its AAA- rating arguing, correctly, in my view, that the USA is not a safe, secure place for individual, American investors.

Weiss says, "Worst of all, by continuing to reaffirm America's triple-A rating, you help create a false sense of security overall--the recipe for a possible meltdown in the market for U.S. sovereign debts."

It's strong medicine, if, Big IF, it ever comes, but it just might instil a wee tiny bit of fiscal realism into Obama, Franken, et al.
 
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