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Chinese Military,Political and Social Superthread

In this report, which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Financial Times, we get a look at the "surge" of Chinese investment into Europe during the (still ongoing) financial crisis:

http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/2/53b7a268-44a6-11e4-ab0c-00144feabdc0.html#axzz3FBoLIOmk
financialTimes_logo.png

Chinese investors surged into EU at height of debt crisis

By Jamil Anderlini in Beijing

October 6, 2014

As investors fled Europe in the worst days of its sovereign debt crisis, China-based companies moved in the other direction and surged in, with cash flowing from China into some of the hardest-hit countries of the eurozone periphery.

In 2010, the total stock of Chinese direct investment in the EU was just over €6.1bn – less than what was held by India, Iceland or Nigeria. By the end of 2012, Chinese investment stock had quadrupled, to nearly €27bn, according to figures compiled by Deutsche Bank.

The buying spree, analysts say, was nothing short of a transformation of the model of Chinese outbound investment. It is expected to increase steadily over the next decade.

“We saw a massive spike in Chinese investment in Europe, particularly [mergers and acquisitions] during the height of the debt crisis,” says Thilo Hanemann, an expert in Chinese outbound investment and research director at Rhodium Group, a research consultancy.

“This was partly opportunistic buying because assets were cheap and partly it was a structural secular shift in Chinese outbound investment, from securing natural resources in developing countries to acquiring brands and technology in developed countries.”

The Financial Times this week investigates the modern trail of Chinese investment, migration and ambition in Europe. A series of reports from Beijing to Milan to Madrid to Lisbon to Athens reveal the scale of China’s expansion in Europe, the flow of investment and the strategies of Chinese investors and migrants caught up in a national effort – a “going out” policy in place since 1999 – to find new markets and enhance China’s economic strength.

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The incursion has not been all plain sailing. When a Chinese state-owned consortium won the bid to build a road from Warsaw to the German border, the government in Beijing presented the deal as a model for Chinese contractors in Europe.

But after cost over-runs and repeated breaches of local labour law, the Polish government cancelled the contract with Covec, the Chinese consortium, in 2011 – less than two years into the project.
What befuddled the Chinese company most were Polish environmental laws requiring tunnels for wildlife to be built beneath the road and a two-week work stoppage while seven rare species of frogs, toads and newts were moved out of the way.

The disaster has become business folklore in Beijing – a parable of the legal and cultural issues Chinese investors face when trying to do business or buy companies in Europe. Still, the obstacles faced by Covec, as well as other pioneering companies, have not dented China’s confidence in European ventures even in times of turmoil.

Total annual Chinese investment in Europe has dropped somewhat from the peak years of 2011 and 2012, but analysts across the continent see robust deals in the making and signs that investment will increase significantly this decade.

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Official data on Chinese outbound – and inbound – investment are notoriously unreliable because the government does not measure most activity by Chinese companies’ offshore subsidiaries and does not attempt to work out where investment ends up.

Independent entities such as Rhodium Group and the Heritage Foundation, a conservative US-based think-tank, have chronicled a recent shift in Chinese money from resource-rich developing countries in Africa to partnerships in developed countries, including Europe.

Private Chinese enterprises are playing an important role in the transition. State-owned Chinese companies were the vanguard for China’s outward investment, with state-owned businesses accounting for 78 per cent of investment in Europe between 2008 and 2013, according to Deutsche Bank. At home, state behemoths dominate industries such as telecoms, transport, energy and finance.

But between 2011 and 2013, private companies’ share in Chinese M&A activity in the continent rose to over 30 per cent – compared to 4 per cent in the previous three years, Deutsche Bank research shows.

Investment tends to cluster in individual countries in any given year, according to data compiled by the Heritage Foundation. So far in 2014, Italy has been China’s biggest target in Europe with a surge of investment in the first half of the year. Close to half of the $7bn in total Chinese investment in Italy was made in 2014 alone. Portugal saw a jump in 2011 and in 2014. The UK has had two years of soaring Chinese activity. Since the debt crisis, Spain has experienced steady increases.

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Chinese investment into Europe – while growing – still faces several obstacles. “Relative to China’s $4tn in foreign exchange reserves, the volumes are still not that large because Europe is not willing to sell China its top technologies and it doesn’t have very much else that China really wants,” said Derek Scissors, resident scholar at the conservative US think-tank, the American Enterprise Institute, and compiler of an independent database on Chinese outbound investment. “In the future, we’re probably going to see a steady increase [in Chinese investment to Europe] but no huge breakthroughs.”
“Companies are now buying $200m German companies instead of $20m ones,” Mr Scissors said.

Foreign direct investment into China, which hit $117bn last year, still significantly outstrips China outbound investment, which reached $108bn in 2013, according to China’s Ministry of Commerce data.

Those same figures suggest Europe was the only region that saw a drop in outbound Chinese investment in 2013, with a fall of more than 15 per cent. However, the data appear to significantly undercount the actual flow and do not count investment routed to Europe through Hong Kong.

In just one example of how problematic these official figures can be, they have historically counted tiny Luxembourg as the largest recipient of Chinese investment in Europe. That is because Chinese companies often choose to incorporate legal entities there to take advantage of looser tax and corporate structure requirements before using those entities to make investments elsewhere in the continent.

Liao Qun, chief economist and head of research at Citic Bank, predicts China’s total outbound investment to exceed $200bn by 2017 and a growing share of that amount will be destined for Europe.

A survey by the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China found that Chinese companies rated labour laws, human resource costs, immigration rules and “cultural differences in management style” as the biggest obstacles to operating in the continent.

But in a sign of things to come, an overwhelming majority – 97 per cent – of Chinese companies that have invested in Europe said they plan to invest more in the coming years.

Rise of the Chinese private equity buyer

The sale of PizzaExpress, a popular UK restaurant chain, to Beijing-based Hony Capital in July highlights the rise of Chinese private equity buyers determined to snap up assets across Europe, writes Anne-Sylvaine Chassany.

“Suddenly there’s a growing interest in Europe to understand this new contingent of buyers,” Iain Drayton, a Hong Kong-based Goldman Sachs banker who advises private equity groups, says. “A number of Chinese private equity firms have raised large pools of capital and are looking to deploy it beyond the boundaries of Asia, into Europe or the US.”

Hony Capital, with more than $6.8bn in assets under management in seven funds, is part of a new generation of homegrown investment firms now on the look out for overseas companies they think they can help expand in their domestic market. In doing so, they are emulating state owned companies that dipped their toes first over the past years, and have since ramped up efforts to acquire technologies and consumer brands in Europe.

Last month, the Shanghai-based conglomerate Fosun submitted a last minute counterbid for Club Med, battling the Italian private equity group Investindustrial for control of the French holiday resort operator.

Chinese private equity groups are less likely to suffer from a lack of credibility than those earlier players, bankers say.

“In the past, Chinese companies tended to take longer than Western groups to make decisions on acquisitions, and would not live up to the price expectations they raised,” Eric Meyer, a Société Générale banker who has advised Chinese clients including Fosun, says. “It’s no longer the case. They are truly motivated buyers.”

State backed consumer group Bright Food sought and failed to buy United Biscuits, the UK maker of biscuits and Jaffa Cakes, in 2010. Two years later, however, the Shanghai-based company made a winning £1.2bn offer for breakfast cereal brand Weetabix. It has since added French wine merchant Diva Bordeaux to its European purchases. Chinese property and entertainment conglomerate Wanda paid more than £300m for Dorset luxury yachtmaker Sunseeker International last year.

The trend will only strengthen, according to Mr Drayton, as Chinese private equity groups will be able to pay the extra amount of money allowing them to win over western buyout groups in competitive auctions.


Foreign direct investment has been a contentious issue for a long, long time. We got our knickers in a knot, here in Canada, in the 1950s and '60s over US investment; the Americans were all aflutter, thirty or forty years ago, when the Japanese were on a shopping spree; now it's Europe. The simple fact is that capital goes where it's wanted and needed. Companies need funding, when the local banks and investors get cold feet they, the companies, welcome foreign investment. It isn't always a smooth (or pleasant) process, nor is it without cultural difficulties, but it is part of the ongoing ebb and flow of capitalism, even when the capitalists are Chinese.
 
S.M.A. said:
More food for thought to help further answer Kirkhill's question:

Reuters

When I last visited HK about a year ago, I remember speaking to a shopkeeper who mentioned that most times, they would unconsciously ignore a customer unless s/he spoke Mandarin.  HKers, in my opinion, are proud to be "not Mainlanders" but as a pragmatic people, they have no problems working/investing in China. 
 
E.R. Campbell said:
It appears to me that the situation in HK is unfolding as it should, and must:

    1. The students must disperse, empty handed in political terms. Cy Leung and Beijing must win. Beijing will not, cannot tolerate being 'beaten' by anyone; but, and it's a Big BUT

    2. In a few (not many) months, but not just a few weeks, Beijing must concede some ground to the students. My guess is that political parties, plural, will be tolerated in HK and the official (sanctioned by Beijing) parties will be allowed
        to run candidates in the civic elections, including for the Chief Executive. I have read/heard that China is, already, looking to some sort of "opposition party" as a political safety valve. HKJ might be a good test bed.


The Financial Times offers six possibilities in an article:

    1. Protest victory – The Hong Kong government agrees to reopen the debate for electoral reform in 2017, paving the way for a move towards what the students call “true universal suffrage”. CY Leung steps down.

            This appears as remote as ever, with Beijing and the Hong Kong leadership saying this is simply not an option.

    2. Partial protest victory – Leung steps down, and his replacement offers a dialogue on electoral reform, but stops short of promising any changes before 2017. A watered-down version of this would be for Leung himself to open a new dialogue on reform.

            Again, this looks unlikely. Leung has vowed not to resign, while Beijing has offered him vocal backing. Though street protests contributed to the early end of Tung Chee-hwa’s rule in 2005, those protests (which were in 2003) were larger,
            more broad-based and were partly related to the handling of the Sars epidemic. And the government has said all along that the essentials of the electoral reform process are not up for negotiation. Even so, Vox has more on how a victory might be won.


    3. Violent crackdown – The Hong Kong government, feeling overwhelmed, calls in military support from China. A repeat of the Tiananmen massacre follows.

            This has always been an extremely remote possibility, albeit one that has been much talked about. Again, leaders in Hong Kong and Beijing have been quick to dismiss this option, focusing instead on a police response.

With protesters’ numbers smaller, and some concessions on their part already made, the most likely scenario is likely to be one of the following.

      4. Fatigue wins – Protesters, realising the government will offer them little or nothing, decide to call it a day. Their numbers drop even further, making it impossible to control their current protest areas. The streets reopen, and students
              go back to class. Any stragglers are easily dealt with by the police.

              This is probably the government’s base case scenario – giving away nothing, and winning the battle. But despite falling numbers during the daytime, the protest movement still appears vibrant once work and class is over at night.

    5. Police crackdown – Protesters hold on for long enough, and with sufficient numbers, so that the government decides to act. Thousands of police are deployed with riot gear, tear gas, pepper spray and the threat of rubber bullets.
            Hundreds are arrested but the streets are cleared in hours.

            Protesters were bracing themselves for such action over the weekend, although the authorities appear to have put any such plans on ice for now. Such a move might serve to reboot support for the protests, especially among older Hong Kong people.

    6. A deal – The government offers small but significant concessions, such as a redrawing or expanding of the 1,200-strong nomination committee that will screen candidates for chief executive. Most expect it to be made up largely of tycoon-backed elites,
            giving plenty of wiggle room for a more “representative” body. The government could also explore tax or welfare reform, a change to housing policy or a host of other ideas to alleviate some of the pressing problems for Hong Kong’s poor and middle classes.

            This is beginning to look like the most likely scenario – offering a face-saving way out for all parties, without violence.

My guess is that 6, a Deal, disguised to look like 4, Fatigue, is most likely. An open deal seems less likely to me because it will involve a loss of "face" for too many important people and factions. The students can afford to appear to lose without losing too much face (they don't have much to begin with) but CY Leung, Li Fei and Xi Jinping will not tolerate losing any face; it's just not done.
 
More about the PLA garrison in Hong Kong:

PLA tools up in Hong Kong

Ian Cameron, Hong Kong - IHS Jane's Defence Weekly
06 October 2014


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Armoured vehicles at the Gun Club Hill Barracks of the PLA's Hong Kong Garrison in downtown Kowloon on 6 October. Source: Ian Cameron

The Hong Kong Garrison of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) appears to have heightened its preparedness in light of pro-democracy protests sweeping the city in the past eight days.

A local resident noted the barracks were hosting "abnormal levels" of military equipment and that it was the most ever seen. About 25 armoured vehicles, mostly Type 91 (ZFB91) 6x6 internal security armoured vehicles, were present. Some ZFB91s were covered by tarpaulins, but most appeared ready to roll.

PLA guards armed with pepper spray canisters and riot shields were patrolling the perimeter fence. In addition, military trucks had wire mesh grilles over windows to protect them from potential rioters. From this PLA base, troops could reach protest epicentres in the Admiralty and Mong Kok districts within minutes. Troop contingents in the 17 other PLA bases in the Hong Kong special administrative region are likely to be on high alert too.

IHS Jane's 360
 
There is a a report floating about that suggests that CY Leung could be under investigation for corruption.

If it's true it opens up 'opportunities' for Beijing:

    1. It can fire Leung but stand fast on the important demands (to allow open nominations for the Chief Executive post) thereby giving the students a 'win' on one issues and, thereby, allowing them to withdraw and save some 'face;' or

    2. It could still allow CY Leung to 'wait out' the students and then fire him later and then deal with the central issues of HK's obvious concern.

 
As expected for a while since China also overtook Japan recently:

Business Insider

China Just Overtook The US As The World's Largest Economy
Business Insider
By Mike Bird – 5 hours ago

Chris Giles at the Financial Times flagged up the change. He also alerted us in April that it was all about to happen.
Basically, the method used by the IMF adjusts for purchasing power parity, explained here.

The simple logic is that prices aren't the same in each country: A shirt will cost you less in Shanghai than in San Francisco, so it's not entirely reasonable to compare countries without taking this into account. Though a typical person in China earns a lot less than the typical person in the US, simply converting a Chinese salary into dollars underestimates how much purchasing power that individual, and therefore that country, might have. The Economist's Big Mac Index is a great example of these disparities.

So the IMF measures both GDP in market-exchange terms and in terms of purchasing power. On the purchasing-power basis, China is overtaking the US right about now and becoming the world's biggest economy.

We've just gone past that crossover on the chart below, according to the IMF.By the end of 2014, China will make up 16.48% of the world's purchasing-power adjusted GDP (or $17.632 trillion), and the US will make up just 16.28% (or $17.416 trillion):

(...SNIPPED)
 
S.M.A. said:
As expected for a while since China also overtook Japan recently:

Business Insider


Yeah, but the data is based on PPP (purchasing power parity) which is excellent when measuring, say, Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark and Estonia; it's less useful when you add, say, Malaysia, Fiji and China to the mix and it becomes almost useless when the economies are too disparate ~ say Australia, Benin and China.

Second, don't forget that there are "three Chinas:" a wealthy, first world country on the East Coast, a developing country in the centre and a third world country in thew West.

Finally: all numbers coming from China are somewhat suspect.

But, all that being said: never before, in all of human history have so many people been lifted from real, abject poverty to (relative) prosperity (a working class/lower middle class socio-economic status).
 
China's MSS heads can deny this all they want but everyone knows that they do it...

China angered after FBI head says Chinese hacking costs billions

[reuters]

- Oct 9, 2014

Charges over hacking and internet spying have increased tension between the two countries. In May, the United States charged five Chinese military officers with hacking into U.S. companies, prompting China to suspend a Sino-U.S. working group on cyber issues. China has denied wrongdoing.

Speaking on CBS' 60 Minutes program on Sunday, FBI Director James Comey said Chinese hackers were targeting big U.S. companies, and that some of them probably did not even know they had been hacked.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei, asked about Comey's remarks at a daily news briefing, said China banned hacking and "firmly strikes" against such criminal activity.

"We express strong dissatisfaction with the United States' unjustified fabrication of facts in an attempt to smear China's name and demand that the U.S.-side cease this type of action," Hong said.


(...EDITED)
 
E.R. Campbell said:
There is a a report floating about that suggests that CY Leung could be under investigation for corruption.

If it's true it opens up 'opportunities' for Beijing:

    1. It can fire Leung but stand fast on the important demands (to allow open nominations for the Chief Executive post) thereby giving the students a 'win' on one issues and, thereby, allowing them to withdraw and save some 'face;' or

    2. It could still allow CY Leung to 'wait out' the students and then fire him later and then deal with the central issues of HK's obvious concern.

Speaking of which...here's more on China (through the SAR govt.) trying to shift attention to CY Leung...

Reuters

Hong Kong calls off talks with student activists as city leader investigated
BY JAMES POMFRET AND CLARE BALDWIN
HONG KONG Thu Oct 9, 2014 12:46pm EDT

(Reuters) - Hong Kong called off talks with protesting students on Thursday, dealing a heavy blow to attempts to defuse a political crisis that has seen tens of thousands take to the streets to demand free elections and calling for leader Leung Chun-ying to resign.

The government's decision came as democratic lawmakers demanded anti-graft officers investigate a $6.4 million business payout to Leung while in office, as the political fallout from mass protests in the Chinese-controlled city spreads.

"Students' call for an expansion of an uncooperative movement has shaken the trust of the basis of our talks and it will be impossible to have a constructive dialogue," Chief Secretary Carrie Lam said on the eve of the planned dialogue.

She blamed the pull-out on students' unswerving demands for universal suffrage, which she said was not in accordance with the Asian financial center's mini-constitution, the Basic Law, and on what she described as their illegal occupation of parts of the city and fresh calls for people to rally

(...SNIPPED)
 
Both pessimistic and optimistic views on the HK situation are expressed in these two articles which are reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from, respectively, the Financial Times and Foreign Affairs:

http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/06e60966-51df-11e4-b55e-00144feab7de.html?siteedition=intl#axzz3FvgzLIPW
Financial-Times-Logo.jpg

‘Zero chance’ of protest success, says HK leader

By Patti Waldmeir

October 12, 2014

CY Leung, Hong Kong’s embattled chief executive, reiterated his calls for pro-democracy protests to end as a campaign of civil disobedience in the Chinese territory entered its third week.

Mr Leung said in a Sunday morning television interview that there was “zero chance” Beijing would meet the protesters’ demands for a change in the nomination procedure for chief executive, and rejected calls for his resignation. “I believe my stepping down will not solve the problem since [the protesters] are demanding the National People’s Congress to withdraw its decision and [introduce] civil nomination, which is impossible,” he said.

Mr Leung also defended his decision to accept a £4m payout from an Australian company, which he said involved a non-compete agreement rather than the delivery of any services.

In August the NPC decided that Beijing would in effect be able to screen candidates who want to run for Hong Kong’s chief executive election in 2017. China rules the territory through a “one country, two systems” formula that specifies universal suffrage as an eventual goal, but democracy activists have said the nomination system renders the notion of universal suffrage meaningless.

The Hong Kong leader called the protests of the past fortnight, which continued over the weekend with large crowds turning up on Friday and Saturday nights in some parts of Hong Kong, a “mass movement that has spun out of control” and that “cannot go on for a long time”.

Student leaders on Saturday wrote an open letter to Chinese President Xi Jinping , whose Communist party ultimately controls Hong Kong under the legal regime agreed when the UK handed the former British colony back to China in 1997. Two leading student groups published the letter stressing that the current protest movement “is definitely not a colour revolution”, a reference to insurrections that have overthrown governments in former eastern bloc countries and in the Middle East.

Meanwhile, Beijing continued to control access in the mainland to information about the Hong Kong protests, with state media emphasising the inconvenience that they cause to local residents. Global Times, the Communist party’s tabloid mouthpiece, said in a weekend editorial that the movement was “rapidly losing the people’s support”. “Hong Kong society cannot tolerate commercial streets occupied by a group of political fanatics”, the newspaper said.

Over the weekend, Beijing also detained mainland scholar and rights advocate Guo Yushan, who founded an influential non-governmental think-tank. Mr Guo was involved in the escape from house arrest of Chen Guangcheng, the legal activist, in 2012. He is the latest of dozens of people who have been detained on the mainland apparently in connection with the Hong Kong protests.

Additional reporting by Zhang Yan

But, on the optimistic side, Prof John Delury (Yonsei University) says that notwithstanding the immediate reactions of people in HK and Beijing, the students have already won:

http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/142159/john-delury/out-of-tiananmens-shadow
foreign-affairs-logo.jpg

Out of Tiananmen's Shadow
Why the Protesters Have Already Won

By John Delury

OCTOBER 6, 2014

The past has a strange way of finding echoes in the present, as if history’s hungry ghosts will not stop until they are sated. Over the past two weeks, Hong Kong has been drenched not just in rain but also in history, as a class boycott grew into what The Economist's Gady Epstein summed up as “the first large-scale student-led protest for democracy to erupt in any Chinese city since 1989.” Similarities to the protest and crackdown at Tiananmen Square have indeed been striking -- and unnerving, given the outcome of that beautiful and terrible spring. But 1989 is not the only touchstone for Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement. Tracing the wider web of historical parallels reveals that the kids occupying Central have already won.

The protests originated with a decision made in Beijing on August 31, when the National People’s Congress ratified a disappointing plan for Hong Kong’s election of chief executive in 2017. Hong Kong’s democrats want the city to select its own top official by popular vote, but universal suffrage turned out to be just a little too radical for Beijing’s mandarins to countenance, in keeping with a hundred years of resisting self-rule. Chinese citizens have elected their own national leaders just once, in the ill-fated election of 1912, a year after the fall of the Qing dynasty. Early on, Mao Zedong promised an inclusive, socialist form of “New Democracy,” but that soon gave way to a totalist, top-down monopoly on political power. In the 1980s, Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping belatedly granted villagers powers to elect their chiefs, but this innovative experiment in “grassroots democracy” never progressed to the county or city level, let alone to national leadership.

Thus, Hong Kong’s 2017 vote -- marking the twentieth anniversary of its “handover” from British colony to Chinese appendage -- could have been a historic opportunity to advance the country’s long march to self-government, a future first envisaged by “Father of the Nation,” Cantonese-born revolutionary Sun Yat-sen (who went to college in Hong Kong). Instead of entrusting Hong Kongers with a grand experiment, though, Beijing offered them a Potemkin election. Only candidates chosen by a handpicked election committee of 1,200 will be eligible to stand for office -- a kind of electoral college in reverse. The Chinese people, in other words, are still not trusted to choose their own rulers. 

The stage was therefore set in September for some kind of civic rebuttal to Beijing’s fiat. As activist groups such as Occupy Central (Hong Kong’s answer to Occupy Wall Street) warmed up for nonviolent resistance, it was high school and university students who suddenly took the lead by boycotting classes en masse. Joshua Wong, a 17-year-old member of the student group Scholarism, marched the demonstrations to the doorstep of the chief executive building, and the police detained Wong and pepper sprayed his compatriots. Unwittingly, they were repeating the same mistake as Beijing back in May 1919 and the Communist Party in April 1989, when manhandling and arresting students only fueled larger protest and greater civic solidarity. Wong’s 40-hour detention, combined with more police aggression, including firing tear gas on the crowd on September 28, brought more than 100,000 demonstrators into the streets in time for the October 1 “National Day” holiday. Students celebrated 65 years since Mao founded the People’s Republic by occupying the streets of downtown Hong Kong and demanding democracy.

That weekend, I happened to be in Taiwan leading a group of South Korean students from Yonsei University for a dialogue with students at National Taiwan University. The students compared and contrasted relations between North and South Korea with the dynamics between Taiwan and China. It became clear that the Taiwanese participants were watching Hong Kong intently. One student remarked that Hong Kong was something like Taiwan’s “sacrificial lamb,” revealing their island’s fate should reunification ever come to be. A young professor described how increased trade with the mainland was exacerbating inequality in Taiwan, just as in Hong Kong. We later learned that hours before our student dialogue, as Wong was speaking to throngs of students in Hong Kong, an 18-year-old Taiwan independence activist named Yen Ming-wei threw the book Formosa Betrayed at Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou for failing to stand up to Beijing. Written by a U.S. Foreign Service officer stationed in Taiwan after World War II, the book describes the Chinese leader Chiang Kai-shek’s brutal suppression of Taiwanese dissent, starting with the infamous massacre of February 28, 1947.

As our student delegation visited Taipei’s 228 Incident museum, which commemorated the victims of February 28, events were taking a violent turn in Hong Kong’s Mong Kok neighborhood, where a mixture of disgruntled middle-aged residents and hired thugs, some with Mafia ties, assaulted the students’ protest tent. In the mainland, sending in thugs and holding back police is standard protocol for corrupt local cadres who want to silence critics -- an example of the malicious abuse of state power that has led President Xi Jinping to launch a nationwide anticorruption campaign. But “the siege of Mong Kok” also called to mind Chiang Kai-shek’s bloodletting during the Shanghai Spring of 1927, when he unleashed Green Gang members to rampage through the city, beating and killing political dissidents, labor union leaders, and communist activists. Fortunately, no one was seriously injured in Mong Kok, but the specter of political violence cast a darker shadow over the protest.

Authorities in Beijing took this outbreak of “chaos” as their cue to warn students not to push any further against the orderly forces of “rule of law,” that is, the police and chief executive. Until then, mainland state media had been noticeably quiet about the demonstrations. But now, the Communist Party’s flagship newspaper, People’s Daily, began firing salvos at the students by mocking their “daydream” of igniting a “color revolution” on the mainland. The newspaper commentary, which came out on October 1, was enough to send chills up the spine of anyone old enough to remember April 26, 1989, when the People’s Daily ran an editorial slamming the student marches as “unpatriotic disturbances.” That editorial, signed off on by Deng, outraged the intensely patriotic students and set them and party leaders on a crash course that would end in blood.

But perhaps the Hong Kong Federation of Students, despite being born after the Tiananmen massacre, had studied its lessons. In response to the October 1 editorial, student leaders insisted theirs was the Umbrella Movement, not the Umbrella Revolution, and that their struggle was for suffrage in Hong Kong, not in China. Adopting the prudent strategy of local protesters in the mainland, students focused their criticism on the Hong Kong government, not Beijing. Playful posters sprouted up deriding the sitting chief executive, C. Y. Leung, but left Xi alone.

Despite the students’ self-restraint, by the second weekend of protest, Occupy Central seemed headed toward a tragic denouement. The People’s Daily had defined the protests as not just unlawful but tantamount to treason. Leung warned darkly that the streets must be cleared by Monday or else. The police commander who ordered tear gas unapologetically defended his action and publicly stated he was prepared to do so again. Fearing a repetition of June 4, Bao Tong, who was a reformist party official in those days and is now one of Beijing’s most prominent democracy advocates, advised the students to take a break “for the sake of future room to grow. For tomorrow.” During reportedly tense and confused discussions on Sunday night, students, criticized for their lack of centralized leadership, performed democracy in action -- some decided to defend the barricades, many decided to go home.

When “tomorrow” came, on Monday morning, the big crowds had dispersed, but a core of students held on to their prized protest spaces. Gently, they had called the state’s bluff, and quietly, they had won, although what came next remained uncertain.

The odds of Beijing reversing its decision on 2017 are very slim. But in the history of student protest in modern China, winning the battle has been less important than fighting for the cause. Modern China’s first student demonstration, spearheaded by two young Cantonese intellectuals (Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao) visiting Beijing to take the civil service examinations in 1895, failed to achieve practical outcomes. The epochal May 4 movement of 1919 likewise had little immediate effect. And of course, student demands for democracy in 1989 were crushed by the tanks that drove them from Tiananmen Square.

Yet no history of modern China is complete without telling the stories of those movements, and strung together, they chart an alternate trajectory for the Chinese nation. There is nothing inevitable about the prospect of self-government in China, and there are no right or wrong tides of history to take comfort in. But neither, as one former Obama administration official argued, is it a “reality” that “Beijing is not going to lose” and that the students’ call for genuine democracy is a mere “pipe dream.” For what history does record are long and hard-fought struggles between competing visions of political life and social order, and the students in Hong Kong have made themselves heard and their vision known. In the past two weeks, they have revived a tradition that goes back not just to 1989 but all the way to 1895 and reaches into the core of modern Chinese identity. Even if theirs is the losing side so far, they are keeping the candle of Chinese democracy lit.


I suspect CY Leung is right: Beijing will not 'surrender,' the loss of "face" would make such a thing impossible. But I also think that Prof Delury is right, too: the students have kept the flame alive; Beijing sees the flames of both Tienanmen and Central and understands that something, maybe not Western style liberal democracy, but something other than arbitrary, secretive rule from the centre, the Zhongnanhai, must follow ... think Singapore's democracy wherein the People's Action Party has governed continuously since 1959, never getting less than 60% of the popular vote.
 
Meanwhile, in Xinjiang, a Chinese policewoman of Uighur descent was reportedly brutally murdered...an example of how Uighur militants view people of their own ethnic group they see as collaborators with Beijing?

Reuters

Policewoman killed in China's Xinjiang: state media

BEIJING (Reuters) - Two "thugs" stabbed to death a policewoman in the Chinese region of Xinjiang where the government says Islamists are using violence to push for a separate state, media reported on Monday.

The motorcycle-mounted attackers used sharp weapons to "cruelly attack and kill" the policewoman, China Central Television (CCTV) said on its official microblog on Monday.

Media did not specify the ethnicity of the policewoman but judging by her name, she was Uighur, a Muslim minority that calls Xinjiang home. CCTV citied a colleague of the woman as saying she was two months pregnant.

The attack occurred on Friday near a market in Pishan county, in Hotan prefecture.

(...SNIPPED)
 
And more harsh measures exacted by Beijing in return:

Reuters

China court sentences 12 to death for Xinjiang attacks
Mon Oct 13, 2014 7:03am EDT

BEIJING (Reuters) - A court in the unruly far western Chinese region of Xinjiang sentenced 12 people to death and handed out dozens of other heavy sentences on Monday for attacks in July in which almost 100 people died.

The Xinjiang government said 59 "terrorists" were gunned down by security forces in Yarkant county in Xinjiang's far south, while 37 civilians were killed in the July 28 attacks.

Authorities said people had been killed when knife-wielding attackers had staged assaults in two towns.

Hundreds of people have been killed in the region in the past two years, most in violence between the Muslim Uighur people who call Xinjiang home and ethnic majority Han Chinese. The government has also blamed attacks in other parts of China, including Beijing, on Islamist militants from Xinjiang.

(...SNIPPED)
 
Beijing and Hong Kong's SAR govt. taking advantage of the lull in protests, which seemed to lose momentum after it was reported that CY Leung was being investigated:

Reuters

Hong Kong police dismantle protest barriers, reopen major road
Tue Oct 14, 2014 5:29am EDT

By Donny Kwok and Farah Master

HONG KONG (Reuters) - Hundreds of Hong Kong police used sledgehammers and chainsaws to dismantle pro-democracy barricades near government offices and the city's financial center on Tuesday, reopening a major road for the first time since protests began two weeks ago.

In a setback to protesters, traffic flowed freely along Queensway Road after their sit-in and barricades were cleared from the road. But other major protest sites remained in tact in the Admiralty and Mong Kok districts and pro-democracy demonstrators were defiant.

"We will rebuild them after the police remove them," said protester Bruce Sze. "We won't confront the police physically."

Unlike Monday, which saw clashes between anti-protest groups and pro-democracy activists after police removed barricades, Tuesday's operation resulted in no such confrontations.


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This is something like a 'courtly dance,' with well defined steps which lead, eventually, to an 'appropriate' conclusion. As I have said before: Beijing will not, cannot lose; the students must back down and go home empty handed ... for now; Beijing, the old men in the Zhongnanhai cannot , again must not lose "face".*

However, later on, Beijing must address Hong Kong's (and Taiwan's) very legitimate concerns about the Chinese political system. I will also repeat that "one country-two systems" is a temporary measure. Everyone, in Beijing, in HK and in Taipei, wants "one country-one system," the problem is that the existing Chine Communist Party 'system' is unacceptable to everyone in HK and Taiwan and to a growing share of the mainland Chinese people, too. But the necessary reform is difficult and complex and dangerous because there are large, strong and ruthless forces - including within the Central Military Commission - that will conspire to block most reforms. The essential first step is the one Xi Jinping is making: attacking corruption. Corruption is a cancer that robs the emerging middle class and, even more, the poor, and entrenches and enhances the power of the conservative few. But rooting our corruption will, not may, will require attacking, defeating and killing several, maybe many, very powerful men ... men who can be expected, with 100% certainty, to fight back. Once the war on corruption is well underway and when most 'ordinary' people have confidence in its ultimate success** the Supreme Leader, Xi Jinping for now, can turn to political reform.

My guess is that most Chinese do not think much of Western liberal democracy: they look out at the USA, France and the Greece, and even at Australia and Canada or Japan and Taiwan and they wonder if Western style democracy is 'right' for them. They also look at Singapore which IS a democracy, but one with tight severe restrictions on some rights that we, in the liberal West, take for granted, but which make sense in a conservative/Confucian culture, and which protects other fundamental rights better than is done in the liberal West, and they see a system which might be better suited to a Confucian society.

My sense is that China has, for 2,000 years, been looking for "rule by a meritocracy." The problem is that neither the old, imperial system nor modern Chinese communism was/is able to produce a self sustaining meritocracy. But, we can see in the liberal West and in conservative Singapore, too, that other types of meritocracies - intellectual, entrepreneurial, financial - can sustain themselves when they are freed from too much (but not all) controls by bureaucrats. It follows, many (including me) think, that a political/bureaucratic meritocracy can grow and sustain itself if there are not too many controls on them ~ in other words if there is some 'room' for political competition.

Right now, in China, attention appears to be focused on ways to encourage public self expression without allowing official political opposition. So called "proactive polling" (not the computer science type) which (more or less continuously) asks people what they want the governments (local, provincial and national) to do about a range of issues. Some younger, well educated Chinese Communist Party members want a new course; they want to 'free' dissent and allow public, legal, political opposition. They believe that the CCP, like the PAP in Singapore, can sustain itself in (near perpetual) power by adapting itself to suit the popular will which is much easier to 'read' (discern) in an open political process. I think people in Taiwan have a similar view. One can argue that, in Taiwan, the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party, which occasionally swap power, like Liberals and Conservatives in Canada, are, essentially the same party with two, slightly different 'world views,' like Liberals and Conservatives in Canada. (In fact the DPP was formed out of the KMY in response to institutionalized corruption.)

The old men in Beijing must, eventually, deal with HK's and Taiwan's legitimate concerns ... that means China, itself, must change.

_____
*  This concept of face is hard for many of us to grasp but it matters in China; it matters a lot. Face is very roughly equatable to a combination of 'public regard'  and 'self respect,' but that's way too simplistic.
** Which is why I suspect that Xi Jinping might be, now, planning to stay in office longer than the planned 10 year term.
 
S.M.A. said:
And more harsh measures exacted by Beijing Inc return:

I don't think harsh is the right word. If you are a terrorist who has murdered hundreds of people I see nothing wrong with ending their stay on earth.
 
Li-Kai-shing enters the fray:

Reuters

Hong Kong tycoon calls for protests to end after tension over police beating

By James Pomfret and Clare Jim

HONG KONG (Reuters) - Hong Kong's most prominent tycoon, Li Ka-shing, on Wednesday urged protesters who have occupied parts of the city since late last month to go home, after police mounted their toughest action against the democracy activists in more than a week.

Police arrested about 45 protesters in the early hours of Wednesday, using pepper spray against those who resisted, as they cleared a main road in the Chinese-controlled city that protesters had blocked with concrete slabs.

But footage of police beating a protester went viral, sparking outrage from some lawmakers and the public.
Authorities said police involved in the beating would be suspended.

Outrage over the beating could galvanise support for the democracy movement in the city where the protests over Chinese restrictions on how it chooses its next leader had dwindled from about 100,000 at their peak to a few hundred.

(...SNIPPED)
 
...and China's proxy navy again in the news:

China's new Senkakus tactic? Fleets of fishermen
HIROYUKI AKITA, Nikkei senior staff writer

October 10, 2014 1:00 pm JST


TOKYO - Something funny is going on in the waters around the Senkaku Islands, and it's making Japan nervous.

There has been a precipitous decline in the presence of Chinese government surveillance vessels around the group of islets in the East China sea, which are controlled by Japan but claimed by China. At the same time, the number of Chinese fishing vessels operating in the area has surged, a development some see Beijing's new approach in pursuing its territorial claims.

20141010senkaku_middle_320.png


From January to September, the Japan Coast Guard told Chinese fishing boats operating within Japanese waters around the Senkaku Islands to leave on 208 occasions, a 2.4-fold jump from last year and 26 times larger than the figure for 2011.

So far, Chinese fishing boats have put up little resistance when warned by the coast guard to leave, but a Japanese security official says the situation could lead to a maritime collision like the one that occurred in autumn 2010, exacerbating bilateral tensions.

There has been no confirmed case of an armed Chinese fishing ship entering waters around the islands, according to the Japan Coast Guard, but it has been reported that maritime militias trained by the Chinese military were mobilized for territorial disputes in the South China Sea.


Nikkei Asian Review
 
And the unrest resumes in Hong Kong:

Reuters

Hong Kong police clear protesters, barricades at key site

By Clare Baldwin and James Pomfret

HONG KONG (Reuters) - Hundreds of Hong Kong police staged their biggest raid yet on a pro-democracy protest camp before dawn on Friday, charging down student-led activists who have held an intersection in one of their main protest zones for more than three weeks.

The operation in the gritty and congested Mong Kok district, across the harbor from the heart of the civil disobedience movement near government headquarters, came while many protesters were asleep in dozens of tents or beneath giant, blue-striped tarpaulin sheets.

The raid was a gamble for the 28,000-strong police force in the Chinese-controlled city who have come under criticism for aggressive clearance operations with tear gas and baton charges and for the beating of a handcuffed protester on Wednesday.

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The HK Police force is, normally, highly regarded for its professionalism. My, personal sense is that they are equal to the best forces in North America and Europe. But someone, not the whole force, just one supervisor and a couple of officers, blundered and beat up a protestor (actually a few of them) when such action was completely unjustified ~ it was a tiny handful of people venting their frustrations. But it has cost them HUGELY in HK. The people are getting tired of the protests, especially tired of the protests in the Mong Kok area, they want 'freer' flows of traffic in commercial districts, they want the police to open the streets ... but they are, I think, quite horrified by the unjustified beating of some students and angry at the police.
 
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