
About a month ago, one of Canada's forward operating bases in Afghanistan badly needed an engineer to work on some damaged equipment.
It was a quick job, but to get an engineer there and back would have meant a four-day round trip over difficult terrain with the ever-present threat of roadside bombs and enemy ambushes. Enter the Griffon helicopter, which ferried the engineer there and back.
"We managed to get them there one afternoon and pick them up the next morning," said Col. Christopher Coates, the commander of Canada's new air wing in Afghanistan. "And we did it with significantly less risk than driving on the roads." Canadian aircraft -- helicopters and unmanned aerial vehicles -- have been flying for more than a month now over Afghanistan and military leaders say they are keeping Canadians troops safe by getting them off dangerous roads and conducting important surveillance and reconnaissance.
The new wing is made up mainly from the Edmonton-based 408 tactical helicopter squadron.
Improving air support in Afghanistan was a key recommendation of last year's report to Parliament by former MP John Manley.
The report set Feb. 1 as the deadline to have more choppers in the air.
"No equipment can perfectly protect Canadian soldiers against improvised explosive devices. But helicopters can save lives by reducing reliance on transporting troops by road, and aerial surveillance can more effectively track insurgent movements," the report said.
In response, Canada bought six CH-147 Chinook helicopters from the United States for roughly $300 million and brought in eight Griffon helicopters from Canada.
Canadian soldiers had to scrub the American flags off the Chinooks and replace them with Canadian markings once they were handed over.
Canada also purchased up to four Heron unmanned aerial drones, which conduct surveillance and intelligence gathering. The arrival of the helicopters was welcome news for NATO troops here.
Canada hasn't owned Chinooks since the early 1990s, when the Mulroney government sold them to the Dutch, who are still using the same helicopters in Afghanistan. Chinooks are medium-lift helicopters, big workhorses that can carry up to 12,270 kilograms of cargo or 33 troops and their equipment.
"Even in our training, we've been slinging loads onboard, we've been slinging loads into various locations," Col. Coates said, adding that they moved 200 people last week alone. "And that's just a start." Eventually, Canada will get 16 new Chinooks. Although the announcement was made two years ago, delays have meant they likely won't be operational until 2012 or 2013.
The Griffons are smaller helicopters whose primary role will be to escort the Chinook, which is a much larger target for ground fire. They can also conduct armed reconnaissance and surveillance when needed.
On a training mission Friday, a pair of Griffons escorted a Chinook into the Registan Desert south of Kandahar city. The Griffons rose quickly into the air, flying over the barbed wire fence that marks the edge of the Kandahar Airfield.
"The aircraft is outside the wire," co-pilot Capt. Michael Girard said into his headset.
The Griffons flew parallel to each other, low to the ground over the khaki-coloured earth and mud-walled villages. The massive Chinook flew ahead between its escorts, looking like a school bus with rotors.
Sitting on the edge of the aircraft, the side gunners kept close watch on the grape-drying huts, which could make good cover for someone trying to take shots at the aircraft. The villagers below waved at the gunners, who returned the gesture. At least two people vainly hurled rocks at the helicopter as it sped past.
The pilots call the desert landings "dustball landings," for the cloud of sand they throw into the air. Back home in Edmonton, they do "snowball landings." Though the resurgent Taliban control large swaths of ground in southern Afghanistan, NATO troops rule the air. The main danger is from somebody on the ground firing an assault rifle. Just two weeks ago, an American soldier died in Northeast Afghanistan after a Chinook was forced to make an emergency landing near the Pakistan border. Villagers told Reuters news service that the helicopter was billowing smoke and looked like it was hit by ground fire...
Carrying heavy combat loads is taking a quiet but serious toll on troops deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, contributing to injuries that are sidelining them in growing numbers, according to senior military and defense officials.
Rising concern over the muscle and bone injuries -- as well as the hindrance caused by the cumbersome gear as troops maneuver in Afghanistan's mountains -- prompted Army and Marine Corps leaders and commanders to launch initiatives last month that will introduce lighter equipment for some U.S. troops.
As the military prepares to significantly increase the number of troops in Afghanistan -- including sending as many as 20,000 more Marines -- fielding a new, lighter vest and helmet is a top priority, Marine Corps Commandant Gen. James Conway said recently. "We are going to have to lighten our load," he said, after inspecting possible designs during a visit to the Quantico Marine base.
Army leaders and experts say the injuries -- linked to the stress of bearing heavy loads during repeated 12- or 15-month combat tours -- have increased the number of soldiers categorized as "non-deployable." Army personnel reported 257,000 acute orthopedic injuries in 2007, up from 247,000 the previous year...
The Pakistani military retook control of a Taliban-controlled district of Swat six days after launching the latest operation designed to free the region from extremist control.
Heavy fighting was reported in the Charbagh area and other regions as Pakistani forces launched air and artillery attacks against suspected Taliban strongholds. Forty-five civilians, 16 Taliban fighters, and four security personnel were killed over the past day during fighting throughout the district.
In Charbagh, "20 bodies of unidentified people are lying in crop fields," Geo News reported. Pakistani forces were issued orders to "shoot to kill" anyone violating the curfew imposed in Swat last week. Also, two paramedics were killed and another was wounded when they attempted to recover the bodies of those killed in the Charbagh fighting.
Nine civilians were killed after artillery shells landed on their homes during the fighting. Ten more bodies, including the body of a police constable, were found in other regions. Three soldiers were also killed in an ambush.
The military has relied on artillery and airstrikes to drive Taliban forces from their safe havens. Pakistani troops have taken heavy casualties when confronting Taliban fighters on the ground during past engagements in the tribal agencies and the settled districts of the Northwest Frontier Province. The military tactics and Taliban terror campaign have forced more than 200,000 civilians to flee Swat. Hundreds of thousands fled the nearby tribal agency of Bajaur during a similar operation late last year.
The lack of concurrent military operations in the neighboring districts under Taliban control or influence has allowed Taliban fighters under the command of radical cleric Mullah Fazlullah to vacate Swat during previous operations. The Taliban forces returned and consolidated their control of the district...
...and as reported in Der Spiegel three days earlier (28 Jan) , and on which ISAF commented on two days earlier (29 Jan).....As the CBC first reported Saturday (31 Jan 09)....
Cpl. Christopher Lucas grows quiet, momentarily choked with emotion.
"I'd rather not talk about it," the 33-year-old Edmontonian replies when asked about his relative, who is among the 108 Canadian soldiers killed in Afghanistan.
"It's personal and kinda tough."
He refuses to say any more, declining to name the soldier or talk about the circumstances of his death. But it's clear that the loss of a relative is a major reason why he takes his job so seriously.
Lucas, a 12-year veteran of the Canadian military, is a mechanic with the 408 Tactical Helicopter Squadron. It's his job to keep the eight CH-146 Griffons ready to fly on a moment's notice.
Speaking from the Canadian base at the Kandahar airfield yesterday, Lucas says the choppers, which have only been in Afghanistan since mid-December, are preventing more Canadian casualties on a daily basis...
Canadian soldiers have been particularly vulnerable in convoys of trucks delivering equipment, supplies and troops to forward operating bases throughout Kandahar province.
It is precisely that kind of tragedy that the helicopters are helping to avoid.
The Griffons, equipped with Gatling guns, armour plating and special sensors, are escort vehicles whose primary purpose is to protect large Chinook transport helicopters, greatly reducing the number of vehicles on the roads.
The Griffons can also escort ground convoys and spot roadside bombs from the air.
Retired Maj.-Gen. Lewis MacKenzie said movies like Black Hawk Down (about an ill-fated U.S. military operation in Somalia in the 1990s) can give the impression that helicopters are flying death traps, easy targets for anyone with a shoulder-mounted grenade launcher.
In fact, MacKenzie said, rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs) are not designed for airborne targets and only have a range of a hundred metres or so. Helicopters can easily fly above that.
Real surface-to-air missiles are harder to come by, and so far the Taliban don't appear to have any weapons that sophisticated.
HANDS UP
MacKenzie said during one visit to Kandahar, he asked a group of about 30 infantrymen how many of them had been attacked by a so-called improvised explosive device (IED).
"Every hand went up," he said.
It's demonstrations like this that gives Lucas his sense of purpose.
"I'm really proud to be here," says Lucas.
"My only regret is that I miss my wife and young daughter, but I know it's important that we're here. I look at it this way: when I think about (the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in New York) I know I would rather take the fight to them here, rather than fight them back home in Canada."
He adds: "I think we're serving a purpose and the soldiers that passed away did not die in vain."
On January 6, 2009, the crews of two CH-146 Griffon helicopters made history: they flew a group of soldiers to a Forward Operating Base, thus completing the first sorties by Canadian helicopters in a theatre of war. Both helicopters belong to the Canadian Helicopter Force Afghanistan, part of the Joint Task Force Afghanistan (JTF-Afg) Air Wing.
"We've waited a long time to be here, and it feels really good to finally be adding to the overall mission," said mission commander and pilot Major Trevor Teller of 408 Tactical Helicopter Squadron in Edmonton. "Some of us have only been on the ground for a short time, and to already be flying missions with the Griffon is a huge success for the Wing. There was a heightened sense of anticipation for me, and to have actually flown the first mission in Afghanistan was incredible."
Comprising all the Canadian air assets deployed in the southwest Asia theatre of operations, the JTF-Afg Air Wing stood up at Kandahar Airfield on 6 December 2008. Along with eight Griffons, used for transport and escort tasks, the Canadian Helicopter Force Afghanistan includes six new [used, actually] CH-147 Chinook D medium- to heavy-lift transports, also flown by Canadian Forces crews, and six Mi-8 medium-lift transports, flown by civilian crews under charter. The Griffon and Chinook helicopters will continue training until they are ready to join the pool of aircraft available to International Security Assistance Force operations across southern Afghanistan.
Captain Curtis Wetyk, also of 408 Squadron, said, "Our senses were definitely tweaked when we were flying over the houses, sand dunes and farmland. I am very proud to be serving with the new Air Wing, and very proud of Canada's contribution to this mission." Capt Wetyk piloted the second Griffon.
"It was just like training; the process was the same - but I was way more vigilant and alert," said door-gunner Corporal Jesse Hall, a Reserve infantry soldier from the Governor General's Foot Guards in Ottawa. "It feels really good to be contributing to the mission here."..
News Photo
From left: Capt Curtis Wetyk, aircraft commander; Maj Trevor Teller, mission commander; Capt Michael Allard, first officer; Cpl Eric Fast, door gunner (kneeling); MCpl Rainer Roedger, flight engineer (sitting); Cpl Jesse Hall, door gunner (sitting), MCpl David Williams, flight engineer; Capt Ray Connelly, first officer.
Photo: Capt Dean Menard
Senior U.S. commanders are finalizing plans to send tens of thousands of reinforcements to Afghanistan's main opium-producing region and its porous border with Pakistan, moves that will form the core of President Barack Obama's emerging Afghan war strategy.
Local residents cross a river Tuesday after militants destroyed a bridge in northwest Pakistan, near Peshawar, cutting a major supply route for U.S.-led forces in Afghanistan.
Mr. Obama is likely to formally approve additional deployments this week, and Pentagon officials hope the full complement of 20,000 to 30,000 new troops will be on the ground by the end of the summer, pushing the U.S. military presence to its highest level since the start of the war in 2001.
U.S. commanders said the moves are part of a push to beat back the resurgent Taliban and secure regions of Afghanistan that are beyond the reach of the weak central government in Kabul. Unlike Iraq, where violence has typically been concentrated in cities, the war in Afghanistan is being increasingly waged in isolated villages and towns.
Virtually none of the new troops heading to Afghanistan will go to Kabul or other major Afghan cities. By contrast, when the Bush administration dispatched 30,000 new troops to Iraq as part of the so-called surge, the bulk of the new forces went to Baghdad.
Pentagon officials said troops will be deployed along the Helmand River Valley, which produces the bulk of the world's opium; along the two main highways of southern Afghanistan that have been hit by growing numbers of roadside bombs; in two provinces outside Kabul believed to serve as staging grounds for the insurgents planning attacks in the capital; and along the Afghan-Pakistani border.
"We'll array our troops to secure the population," Brig. Gen. John M. Nicholson, the top U.S. commander in southern Afghanistan, said in an interview. "We're going to go out to where the people are [emphasis added]."..
Afghanistan's violence has historically tapered off in the winter, but this year is shaping up differently. On Tuesday, militants destroyed a bridge in northwest Pakistan that is part of the main supply route for U.S.-led forces in Afghanistan, temporarily halting the shipments of food, gas and military equipment into the country. On Monday, a suicide bomber killed 21 Afghan police officers in one of Afghanistan's deadliest attacks in months.
NATO statistics show that 19 of the 20 areas with the highest numbers of attacks in Afghanistan are rural. The most dangerous city is the southern metropolis of Kandahar at No. 13 [emphasis added]; Kabul is No. 42.
The vast majority of the new troops will be deployed to southern Afghanistan [emphasis added], a Taliban stronghold that houses many of the shadow local governments run by the armed group. The Taliban are also profiting from the south's skyrocketing opium production, which allows the militants to continually replenish their supplies of weapons and fighters.
Some of the new forces are deploying to the border province of Kunar, a main transit route for the militants who cross into the country from Pakistan to carry out attacks on U.S., NATO and Afghan targets.
"We'll thicken our lines in Kunar," Maj. Gen. Jeffrey Schloesser, the top U.S. commander in eastern Afghanistan, said in a recent interview. "We'll be able to get out into some villages we haven't been in before."
In a potential complication to the U.S.-led war effort, the Kyrgyz government renewed its threat to close an American base that is a main transit point for troops deploying to Afghanistan. But U.S. officials dismissed the threat as political posturing designed to improve Kyrgyzstan's relationship with Russia [emphasis added].
As President Obama prepares to formally authorize the April deployment of two additional combat brigades to Afghanistan, perhaps as early as this week, no issue other than the U.S. economy appears as bleak to his administration as the seven-year Afghan war and the regional challenges that surround it.
A flurry of post-inauguration activity -- presidential meetings with top diplomatic and military officials, the appointment of a high-level Afghanistan-Pakistan envoy and the start of a White House-led strategic review -- was designed to show forward motion and resolve, senior administration officials said.
But newly installed officials describe a situation on the ground that is far more precarious than they had anticipated, along with U.S. government departments that are poorly organized to implement the strategic outline that Obama presented last week to his National Security Council and the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
With a 60-day deadline, tied to an April 3 NATO summit [emphasis added], Obama has called for a more regional outlook and a more narrowly focused Afghanistan policy that sets priorities among counterinsurgency and development goals. "The president . . . wants to hear from the uniformed leadership and civilian advisers as to what the situation is and their thoughts as to the way forward," a senior administration official said. "But he has also given pretty direct guidance."..
The two new U.S. brigades are set to arrive in Afghanistan in late April, with another planned to depart in August [emphasis added] But even with what is expected to be more than 30,000 additional U.S. troops this year -- bringing the U.S.-NATO total in Afghanistan to nearly 90,000 -- the international force will be insufficient to secure much of the country.
With the spring combat season near, the Taliban has rapidly increased its sophistication and reach. Neither the money nor the manpower is currently available to train and maintain an Afghan National Army that is expected to begin taking over security missions. Afghan elections are scheduled for summer, but U.S. officials see few viable alternatives to the ineffectual president, Hamid Karzai. Efforts to stem cultivation of opium poppies and the narcotics trade that lines Taliban and government pockets have made little discernible progress.
Nearly $60 billion ($32 billion of it from the United States) has already been spent on reconstruction programs in Afghanistan -- more than during five years of failed reconstruction in Iraq -- but such efforts remain "fragmented" and "lack coherence," according to U.S. government auditors. "I fear there are major weaknesses in strategy," retired Marine Corps Maj. Gen. Arnold Fields, the special inspector general for Afghanistan reconstruction, said in a report released Friday.
Across the border in Pakistan, meanwhile, U.S. military officials are anxiously eyeing a map on which extremist gains are rapidly spreading eastward, toward major population centers, as the Taliban and al-Qaeda solidify their hold on the western frontier and form alliances with domestic terrorists. Islamabad's relations with neighboring India, a fellow nuclear power, remain tense after November's terrorist attacks in Mumbai.
Officials described Obama's overall approach to what the administration calls "Af-Pak" as a refusal to be rushed, using words such as "rigor" and "restraint." "We know we're going to get [criticism] for taking our time," said a senior official, one of several in the administration and the military who would discuss the issue only on the condition of anonymity...
Obama's deadline for a new overall strategy, set at a Jan. 23 meeting of the National Security Council, coincides with the NATO summit at which he will "come face to face" with allies "looking at him for his perspective on where he's taking the U.S. effort," a senior official said...
Tashkent, Uzbekistan - Desperate for a new military supply route into Afghanistan, the US is quietly rebuilding ties with leaders of this Central Asian nation, despite its grim human rights record.
The need for a more reliable land link was underscored Tuesday after Taliban militants cut the existing major coalition supply route by blowing up a bridge in northwest Pakistan's Khyber Pass region.
Coalition forces are not in danger of running out of supplies, a NATO spokesman in Afghanistan said. But with 80 percent of all supplies flowing through this largely lawless region of Pakistan and with attacks on convoys increasing, Washington has been moving fast to repair relations with Afghanistan's neighbors.
Uzbekistan evicted the US military in 2005 after Washington and other Western governments called for an inquiry into the reported massacre of hundreds of civilians during a protest in the city of Andijan.
But stalled relations have served neither Uzbekistan nor the West, says US Ambassador Richard Norland. He insists, though, that the US is not turning a blind-eye to human rights abuses.
"Engagement is getting us further both on Afghanistan and on human rights than efforts to sanction and isolate" Uzbekistan, says Mr. Norland.
Further, Norland stressed that the US has no intention of reestablishing a military presence in Uzbekistan.
"I want to be very clear, there are no US bases in Uzbekistan, there are no requests for US bases, there is no offer of US bases, and there are no US [military] personnel" in Uzbekistan, other than a small staff at the embassy's defense attaché office.
Moscow has been anxious over the US presence in Central Asia, but perhaps more fearful of the expansion of Islamic militancy out of Afghanistan into its backyard.
On a recent visit here, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev told reporters, "We are ready for full-fledged and equal cooperation on security in Afghanistan, including with the United States [emphasis added]."..
The sole northern rail link into Afghanistan crosses Uzbekistan's border [emphasis added]. The railway connects with the Russian rail network and ultimately to Europe. The Uzbekistan government granted NATO access to its rail line not long after the EU eased sanctions in 2007. The supply route is said to bring in foodstuffs and other nonlethal supplies...
More than 2,100 civilians were killed in Afghanistan in 2008, a 40 percent rise from the previous year, the United Nations said Tuesday.
It also cited partial figures saying that the Taliban and local warlords were responsible for 1,000 out of 1,800 civilian deaths up to the end of October, mainly due to suicide bombings and improvised explosive devices.
Nearly 700 people were killed by international and Afghan forces in the same period -- including 455 who died in air strikes -- while the cause of the remaining 100 had yet to be determined, it said.
The civilian toll was established by U.N. human rights officers deployed in Afghanistan whose full report was still being finalized, according to a U.N. spokesman.
"According to U.N. figures, over 2,100 civilians were killed as a result of armed conflict in 2008, which represents an increase of about 40 percent from 2007," U.N. Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes said.
The U.N. said 1,523 people were killed in 2007.
Holmes was speaking to representatives of aid donor countries in Geneva while launching an appeal for $604 million for Afghanistan for 2009 [emphasis added]...
Reporting from Kabul, Afghanistan, and Istanbul, Turkey -- Afghan authorities said Tuesday that they had broken up a suicide bombing cell responsible for a string of attacks in the capital, including a massive explosion last month that killed an American serviceman and wounded five other U.S. soldiers.
In a disclosure likely to stoke tensions with Pakistan, a spokesman for Afghanistan's main intelligence service said the 17 men arrested in Kabul were believed to be affiliated with a Pakistan-based militant group known as the Haqqani network and that the cell's ringleader was a Pakistani national.
The spokesman, Sayed Ansari, also hinted that the plotters were assisted by Pakistan's powerful Inter-Services Intelligence directorate.
Afghanistan has long accused Pakistan of failing to crack down on insurgents who use Pakistan's lawless tribal areas as a staging ground for attacks in Afghanistan.
Relations between the neighboring nations have warmed considerably since Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari, the widower of slain former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, took office five months ago. Afghan President Hamid Karzai attended Zardari's inauguration and hailed what he called a fresh diplomatic start.
But critics and allies alike have questioned the Zardari government's ability to move effectively against insurgents in the tribal areas -- or to rein in the ISI, which has a long history of aiding groups such as the Taliban.
The spy agency's long-standing ties to the Haqqani network, led by veteran Taliban commander Jalaluddin Haqqani and his son Sirajuddin, were spotlighted last year when U.S. intelligence backed up Afghan authorities' assertion that the ISI had aided the group in its bombing of the Indian Embassy in Kabul in July. The attack killed nearly 60 people.
Pakistan heatedly denied any ISI involvement in the embassy attack. The Foreign Ministry had no immediate comment on the latest allegations from Kabul, said deputy spokesman Nadeem Hotiana.
Ansari, the spokesman for Afghanistan's National Directorate of Security, told reporters that the bombing cell that was broken up had carried out half a dozen attacks in the Afghan capital during the last 22 months.
He said the suspects had confessed to all of the bombings, including a Jan. 17 attack that targeted the German Embassy but also took place close to an American military base. In addition to the U.S. soldier killed and five servicemen injured in that attack, four Afghan passersby were killed and more than a dozen were hurt. No one inside the embassy was killed, but an undisclosed number of people were injured, German officials said.
The Afghan spokesman did not say when the arrests occurred, only that they were the result of raids at three places in Kabul. Three of the bombing ring's organizers remained at large and were believed to be in Pakistan, he said.
Ansari's suggestion of ISI support for the Haqqani network was unmistakable but less specific than past Afghan allegations against the Pakistani spy agency. When asked about a possible ISI role in arming and training the Kabul ring, he replied: "Who arms Haqqani and organizes [him], and where has he established his bases?"
U.S. military and intelligence officials have said the Haqqani network is based in Pakistan's North Waziristan tribal agency.
Ansari said the Kabul plotters also were believed to have links to a Pakistani militant group known as Harkat Mujahedin, which originally fought Indian troops in the disputed Himalayan region of Kashmir but has more recently affiliated itself with the Taliban. Harkat Mujahedin, like other militant fundamentalist groups in Kashmir, was believed to have been nurtured by the ISI.
At the end January, SPIEGEL reported that NATO High Commander General Craddock had ordered troops to attack drug traffickers -- without checking to see if they were also insurgents. He lost the internal dispute that ensued and his time may now be short in the Western alliance.
On Jan. 30, General Bantz John Craddock gave up. On that day, the NATO High Commander retracted an order calling on troops fighting in Afghanistan with NATO's International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) to attack drug traffickers and facilities. Many of Craddock's comrades found the order unpalatable -- it explicitly directed NATO troops to kill those involved in the drug trade even if there was no proof that they supported insurgents fighting against NATO or Afghan security forces.
General Egon Ramms, from Germany, who heads up the NATO command center responsible for Afghanistan in Brunssum, the Netherlands, expressed his displeasure with the order as did US General David McKiernan, who heads up the NATO command in Afghanistan. Both felt that the order violated ISAF rules of engagement as well as international law.
Craddock was extremely upset by the resistance from his subordinates, insiders report. They say he even considered sending a written demand to Berlin that General Ramms be relieved of duty. In the end, though, the US general bowed to the inevitable and made the change demanded by both Ramms and McKiernan. Instead of being given a free hand against drug traffickers, NATO troops will continue to be allowed to attack only those drug traffickers with provable ties to insurgents and terror groups. The change, a NATO spokesperson said on Wednesday, means that the incident is over.
SPIEGEL reported on the Craddock order -- and the disagreement within NATO leadership -- on Jan. 29. Since then, NATO has made every effort to play down the dispute and attempted to portray Craddock's "guidance" as little more than a proposal to be commented on by his subordinates. Such a procedure, however, is hardly common practice within the NATO chain of command. At the operational level, no orders are issued -- there are only "guidances" and "directions," explains retired four-star General Dieter Stöckmann, who served as NATO deputy high commander in Mons, Belgium until 2002. Speaking from his experience, Stöckmann said "a guidance is not a recommendation. Rather it is clearly a binding order."..
...it may soon be Craddock himself in the hot seat. Already, there are those in NATO headquarters in Brussels, as well as in the alliance's military headquarters in Mons, who are speculating about "the last days of Craddock." Hardly anyone believes that the "hard-core Rumsfeld man," as some refer to him, will make it to the end of his term of service this summer. Craddock is seen as a leftover of the George W. Bush administration. It is seen as likely that his defeat in the just-ended dispute among NATO generals will speed his departure.
His successor would likely be Marine General James N. Mattis, currently Supreme Allied Commander Transformation in Norfolk Virginia [emphasis added].
Craddock, for his part, is already prepared for his career to come to an end. In January, he visited a US army course for retiring military personal.
I was at a meeting in Kabul on Wednesday, discussing with Afghan civil servants how Afghanistan's National Development Strategy's progress toward results can be monitored and reported, how results can be measured.
A young Afghan raised his hand to a question on security. He enumerated a number of measures: reduction in suicide attacks, reduced number of deaths from IED explosions, reduced number of abductions, reduced attacks on police, government offices and schools. He cited an article by Hekmat Karzai, who heads up a conflict and peace studies institute, which reported that insecure conditions forced the closure of 50 per cent of schools in southern Afghanistan.
Just as the young civil servant was saying that prevention of Taliban infiltration into Kabul and the peripheries is yet another good measure of security, a huge explosion silenced him.
We all rushed to the large windows at the back of the room facing the compound of the Ministry of Finance. We witnessed mayhem outside: Hundreds of armed Afghan men with guns drawn were running toward the justice ministry building under attack, only four metres away from our location. As we watched the operations outside, our building was also encircled by armed guards.
I was standing on a chair to get a good grasp of the situation when black-suited security officers politely asked me to stay away from the window because bullets were flying everywhere. We were asked to lock the doors of the building because it was suspected that one of the suicide bombers escaped and was hiding in one of the finance ministry buildings. I must admit that I wondered if a flimsy locked wooden door would survive a bomb explosion.
The young Afghans laughed raucously and said that I could now claim to witness the "results" of international community's involvement in Afghanistan and progress in security as a result of the deployment of thousands of international armed forces and for over seven years. Should I seek more measures of progress?..
A certain complacency develops when one is living in insecure environments. I think back to 2005, when one morning at 4:30, the sound of a huge explosion woke me up. The sound was so close that it seemed it was coming from inside me. I thought, oh, this explosion must be very near this time; and it was, right outside the gate of the Canadian Embassy residence -- it blew off part of the gate of our home and I later found out it had severely injured one of the guards. But I rolled over and went back to sleep.
Quite unlike Wednesday, no one came to query my welfare. Likely, this complacency hit our Canadian military police security guards, as well, and they were fast asleep.
Is Canada as a whole getting complacent about Afghanistan? While Richard Holbrook, U.S. President Barack Obama's special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan, calls Afghanistan a "mess" like he has never seen before -- and he has seen a lot -- our government announces "real progress" in Afghanistan after this month's security conference in Munich. My Afghan colleagues beg to differ.
But this week I collected first-hand at least one indicator to measure progress in capacity building of the Afghan armed forces.
The whole operation on Wednesday was led and conducted by Afghans and Afghans alone. They killed the surviving bombers and cleared the building within three hours -- no simple task given the size of the building and the complexities of the interior, with rooms, sub-rooms, doors and alleys. The operation was undertaken with vigour, efficiency and without creating a sense of panic.
I consider this a very hopeful sign. The Afghan armed forces displayed the potential of acting independently, without foreign forces' support. Bravo to them.
Nipa Banerjee is a professor at the School of International Development and Global Studies at the University of Ottawa. She served as the head of Canada's aid program in Afghanistan (2003-06) and now visits Afghanistan frequently as a development adviser to the Afghan government.
A senior U.S. lawmaker said Thursday that unmanned CIA Predator aircraft operating in Pakistan are flown from an air base in that country, a revelation likely to embarrass the Pakistani government and complicate its counter-terrorism collaboration with the United States.
The disclosure by Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), chairwoman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, marked the first time a U.S. official had publicly commented on where the Predator aircraft patrolling Pakistan take off and land.
At a hearing, Feinstein expressed surprise over Pakistani opposition to the campaign of Predator-launched CIA missile strikes against Islamic extremist targets along Pakistan's northwestern border.
"As I understand it, these are flown out of a Pakistani base," she said.
The basing of the pilotless aircraft in Pakistan suggests a much deeper relationship with the United States on counter-terrorism matters than has been publicly acknowledged. Such an arrangement would be at odds with protests lodged by officials in Islamabad, the capital, and could inflame anti-American sentiment in the country.
The CIA declined to comment, but former U.S. intelligence officials, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the information, confirmed that Feinstein's account was accurate [emphasis added].
