That is a very narrow approach to critical thinking that restrains analysis of options by tying the problem to previous solutions.
My point is about how people judge politics and politicians, and political decisions and acts.
We could try to state the flaw in my thinking with a simple phrase, "two wrongs don't make a right". This is the essence of most uses of "whataboutism".
My theme/thesis, though, is that high-minded principle and reason don't work if not all players in the game are equally and unfailingly high-minded. Co-operation becomes difficult to impossible. Faced by a player that defects in order to secure payoffs, it becomes rational for other players to defect to protect themselves or to encourage the defecting player to stop.
What I observe playing out on various issues:
- faction A does something undesirable and exacts some advantage/benefit
- supporters of faction B complain; neutrals and faction A supporters are approximately silent
- faction B employs the same approach, or is held to a higher standard for less undesirable behaviour
- critics of faction A sound off on the specific instance, and neutrals join the chorus this time
- supporters of faction B point to faction A's prior behaviour in similar circumstances
- critics of faction B claim "two wrongs don't make a right"/"whataboutism"
We could then apply all the usual caveats that amount to "let's behave like lawyers and examine this one bad thing in isolation using only the relevant facts". Of course we're going to conclude that it should not be done. That doesn't solve the political power imbalance. Suppose faction B concedes the points and reforms. What is to be done about faction A? What guarantees could possibly be made to ensure faction A would not defect in future, leaving faction B looking like chumps (and knowing it)? Hence a "rule" I've mentioned before: if reform (restoration of "norm X") is desired, faction A has to move first (give up some advantage in the same circumstances, thus concretely demonstrating good faith).
Charlie Brown and Lucy and the football. I'd gladly pay you Tuesday for a hamburger today. Turn the other cheek.
I note that critics of faction B aren't bound to also be vocal critics of faction A. This is common in politics. I can guess that some people who don't like the Trump administration's treatment of media also didn't like the Biden administration's treatment of media, but if for personal reasons they wanted Biden to succeed more than Trump, or they just didn't care enough, they just passed the fault silently. But to pass the fault is to normalize it.
There was a little bit of bitching among establishment media (other than Trump supporters) about Biden's availability for questions, and the crib sheets, and the obnoxious ways staffers blocked access to Biden and shut down reporters' attempts to ask impromptu open questions. But not much, especially the longer the behaviour was tolerated. I suppose now that the tell-all tales about Biden's infirmity are emerging, we can't pretend not to know why control was so tight. Some of those observers must have known for themselves, which makes their acquiescence worse. The final nail was the spate of comments from some of those same people about the remarkable change in accessibility after the change of administrations. If people who manifestly don't like Trump and did support (even passively) Biden have noted the changes in positive terms, it's hard to pretend otherwise.