Byers & Webb: Putting politics before soldiers
Michael Byers and Stewart Webb, National Post | 23/09/13 | Last Updated: 19/09/13 4:37 PM ET
The Air Force has almost been grounded by botched efforts to replace Sea King helicopters, search-and-rescue planes and fighter jets. The Navy has nearly been sunk by ham-fisted efforts to build new support vessels and Arctic/Offshore Patrol Ships, and refit second-hand submarines. Now it’s the Army’s turn, as the Harper government prepares to burden our soldiers with Close Combat Vehicles they neither want nor need.
After the Cold War, the Army’s mission shifted from preparing for a “symmetric” war with the Soviet Union, to confronting “asymmetric” threats from terrorists and insurgents. As part of this shift, the Army decided to retire its Leopard tanks. As Chief of the Defence Staff General Rick Hillier explained in 2003: “Tanks are a perfect example of extremely expensive systems that sit in Canada because they are inappropriate to the operations we conduct daily around the world.”
Three years later, Stephen Harper appointed a former tank commander as his first minister of National Defence. Gordon O’Connor immediately ordered that the tanks be kept in service.
In September 2006, Canadian soldiers led Operation Medusa — a more-or-less conventional offensive aimed at re-taking areas of Kandahar Province under Taliban control. More than 400 insurgents were killed in battles in which they engaged the Canadians directly. O’Connor, thinking the rest of the war would be fought on similar terms, deployed some of Canada’s Leopard tanks to Afghanistan. He also acquired 120 newer tanks from Germany and the Netherlands, and sent some of them as well.
It was a bad decision. The Taliban soon switched from stand-and-fight to guerrilla tactics. They also adopted a new weapon of choice — the improvised explosive device (IED).
Tanks have flat underbellies that do not deflect the blast from an IED. This weakness is compounded by the fact that most of the armour is located in the front and side sections, not underneath. Nor are there satisfactory solutions to these problems, since the low-slung design of a tank makes it difficult to add more amour and impossible to add a deflective V-shaped hull.
O’Connor’s error was exacerbated when the United States published a new field manual on counterinsurgency in December 2006. The lead author was General David Patraeus, who was appointed head of U.S. forces in Iraq in 2007 and head of U.S. Central Command in 2008. Central Command includes both Iraq and Afghanistan, and the new “Petraeus Doctrine” was implemented in both theatres. The doctrine calls for soldiers to engage with and support local people so as to erode any incentive they might have to side with insurgents.
It is difficult to “win hearts and minds” from behind heavy armour. When the Afghan government expressed a desire to acquire tanks, General Adam Findlay, the deputy chief of operations for the International Security Assistance Force, dismissed the request: “We are making a counter-insurgency force and we have our Afghan partners asking for things we would call ‘high-end war fighting’ – tanks and what have you.”
But the Harper government, instead of moving away from heavy armour and towards modern counterinsurgency, is stuck in the rut that Gordon O’Conner carved out. It is preparing to spend $2-billion on 108 Close Combat Vehicles (CCVs) that are designed to accompany tanks into conventional battles.
According to the government’s specifications, the CCVs must be able to carry at least five infantry for at least 450 km at a maximum speed of at least 60 km/h, and provide protection against heavy machine gun fire and IEDs of up to 10 kg. They must be equipped with a cannon having a calibre of at least 25 mm.
Remarkably, Canada already has vehicles that can do all this and more,in the form of 550 LAV (Light Armoured Vehicle) IIIs that are currently undergoing $1-billion in upgrades at the General Dynamics plant in London, Ont.
The LAV IIIs, built in the late 1990s, have a maximum range of 450 km and maximum speed of 100 km/hr. They can carry seven infantry and are equipped with a 25 mm cannon. They provide protection against heavy machine gun fire and, as part of the upgrades, are being equipped with a double V-shaped hull to protect against IEDs. The upgrades will extend the lifespan of the LAV IIIs to 2035. On top of the LAV IIIs, the Army is about to receive 500 new, lighter and faster Tactical Armoured Patrol Vehicles — as the result of a $1.25-billion contract signed in 2012.
All of which raises the question: Why spend another $2-billion on 108 CCVs that are designed to accompany outmoded tanks and would, in any event, add little to the Army’s capabilities?
Is it really worth $2-billion to preserve an illusion of competence?
The Army, to its credit, has reportedly told the Harper government that it neither wants nor needs CCVs. It would rather use the funds for training, at a time when budget cuts are forcing such activities to be curtailed.
In May, the Ottawa Citizen reported that the Harper government was pressing ahead nevertheless, because it was “worried that the cancellation would give it yet another military procurement black eye.”
According to the Citizen: “Industry representatives have been told that a winning bidder has been identified. That winning company will be announced when it suits the Conservative government’s public relations plan.”
The announcement may be imminent. But before it’s made, the Tories must answer one question: Is it really worth $2-billion to preserve an illusion of competence, at the cost of an Army that cannot afford to train?
National Post
Michael Byers holds the Canada Research Chair in Global Politics and International Law at the University of British Columbia. Stewart Webb is a visiting research fellow with the Rideau Institute. They are the authors of a report entitled “Stuck in a Rut,” published by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.