- Reaction score
- 5,971
- Points
- 1,260
David Reevely, of the Ottawa Citizen provides a good primer on how strategic voting might work, using one suburban riding as an example, in this article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from that newspaper:
http://ottawacitizen.com/news/politics/reevely-this-election-is-about-nepean-surrey-and-mississauga
(Nepean is a bedroom/big box mall suburb in Ottawa's west end.)
I'm not posting David Reevely's article just because he agrees with me ... he also explains how strategic voting might help Prime Minister Harper's Conservatives IF the anti-Harper vote splits just the right way: allowing Conservatives to come up through the middle in rising, after suburban riding, after suburban riding in city after city.
But if he's right, if M Trudeau is going to swing waaaayleft and try to hive off the NDP's left wing, rather than ~ one one would have though is more logical: to appeal to the NDP's right wing ~ then I believe he's taking a bad risk. Like "the lady" (Margaret Thatcher), the left wing of the NDP is not, in my opinion, "for turning." It's been there for a long, long time: ever since the Canadian Labour Congress and the old, prairie, Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) merged in 1961. The NDP's left survived the crisis of the Waffle movement in 1971 and it survived Pierre Trudeau's silk stocking socialism in the late 60s and throughout the 70s. It will not be "turned" by kind of arguments M Trudeau is making, now.
His own "right wing," the Blue or Manley Liberals are, however, nervous, right now, I think, and they could be panicked ~ panicked enough to stampede towards the Tories ~ if M Trudeau is perceived to be really intent on campaigning and[ governing on the left. Plenty of Liberal leaders have "campaigned left" but the party power brokers, from Big Business, Big labour and the Big Banks, have always been quite sure that those leaders would "govern right," when the time came ... and, except for Pierre Trudeau, they all did.
I see that the CPC is increasing its attacks on M Trudeau's (and M Mulcair's) fiscal plans: warning Canadians that both will run deficits. That's aimed squarely at the suburbs where, by and large, deficit financing causes real (albeit unreasoned) fear.
That M Trudeau is going after M Mulcair suggests, to me, that he knows who the real enemy is: he's fighting for Stornoway, not 24 Sussex Drive and it's an uphill battle.
http://ottawacitizen.com/news/politics/reevely-this-election-is-about-nepean-surrey-and-mississauga
This election is about Nepean, Surrey and Mississauga
DAVID REEVELY
Published on: August 7, 2015
This election will be won in Nepean. Also Surrey and Mississauga and Pickering. But if you want to see the fight of the next two months in microcosm, look at Nepean.
The suburbs around major cities are where the Conservatives won the seats that propelled them to a majority in 2011 and that’s where the redistricting that takes effect this time has added more. When it happened, lots of people figured it would benefit the Tories because they’d done so well in those places last time, but it also means they have more ground to defend, and more ridings without the advantage of incumbency.
In Nepean specifically, it means we’ll have three ridings instead of two, and with John Baird’s departure two of them are vacant.
If Stephen Harper wants to keep power, he’s got to win them. If the New Democrats want power, they have to compete in them, appealing to the suburban vote in a way they never, ever have before. And if the Liberals are to stand any kind of a chance, they have to return to being the natural alternative to the Tories in those seats.
So in the early part of this campaign, we’ve seen two fresh promises from the Conservatives – support for trades apprenticeships; and a home-renovation tax credit worth up to $750 — aimed squarely at the votes of working-class homeowners.
The apprenticeships promise is small, a $60-million tax credit for employers who take on apprentices. The home-reno credit is potentially bigger (a more generous but time-limited one that the Tories offered in order to stimulate the economy a few years ago cost about $3 billion) but it won’t come until the federal budget’s in better shape.
The tax credit isn’t worth a ton to any individual homeowner, especially someone who has several thousand dollars to spend on a home-improvement project, but it’s still money in your pocket after you’ve replaced the deck. And it’s good for plumbers and carpenters and electricians and people who supply them.
Harper’s pledges go up against ones the New Democrats have already made to the critical suburban voter, such as a $15-a-day national daycare program. But, funny thing, the Liberals are trying to portray that not as help for families trying to make ends meet on two incomes, but as a subsidy for the rich.
Universal programs – ones everyone can get the same benefits from – used to be thought of as left-wing. Justin Trudeau’s exploiting the fact that rich people would be eligible for the same treatment as the poor under Mulcair’s plan, just as they are under the Conservatives’ new “universal child-care benefit.”
The New Democrats, Trudeau said in his very first campaign stop, are “irresponsibly supporting Harper’s plan to give more money to millionaires.” Trudeau also scoffed at the NDP plan to raise the minimum wage, which would affect only a handful of federally regulated workers (most people are covered by provincial wage laws, not federal ones), as meaningless.
Trudeau is correct on these facts. By pointing them out, he’s chopping at Mulcair’s left flank, which is Trudeau’s best chance for supplanting Mulcair as the best alternative to Harper – ideally, carving off left-wing voters who don’t like Mulcair’s drift toward the centre.
It’s also just what Harper would like Trudeau to do. The Liberals and New Democrats claw at each other’s eyes over who’ll do a better job of using the government to help regular folks; Harper talks about getting government out of the way.
If you’re OK with Canada as it’s been for the last decade or so, you know exactly who will give you more of it. Not everyone is OK with Canada as it’s been for the last decade or so, is the thing. Both Mulcair and Trudeau have a bigger idea of Canada than Harper does, and after nearly 10 years of him, that obviously has some appeal.
But how to turn that into votes is the challenge for Mulcair and Trudeau, and it’ll be up to you, Nepean, to decide whether they pull it off.
(Nepean is a bedroom/big box mall suburb in Ottawa's west end.)
I'm not posting David Reevely's article just because he agrees with me ... he also explains how strategic voting might help Prime Minister Harper's Conservatives IF the anti-Harper vote splits just the right way: allowing Conservatives to come up through the middle in rising, after suburban riding, after suburban riding in city after city.
But if he's right, if M Trudeau is going to swing waaaayleft and try to hive off the NDP's left wing, rather than ~ one one would have though is more logical: to appeal to the NDP's right wing ~ then I believe he's taking a bad risk. Like "the lady" (Margaret Thatcher), the left wing of the NDP is not, in my opinion, "for turning." It's been there for a long, long time: ever since the Canadian Labour Congress and the old, prairie, Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) merged in 1961. The NDP's left survived the crisis of the Waffle movement in 1971 and it survived Pierre Trudeau's silk stocking socialism in the late 60s and throughout the 70s. It will not be "turned" by kind of arguments M Trudeau is making, now.
His own "right wing," the Blue or Manley Liberals are, however, nervous, right now, I think, and they could be panicked ~ panicked enough to stampede towards the Tories ~ if M Trudeau is perceived to be really intent on campaigning and[ governing on the left. Plenty of Liberal leaders have "campaigned left" but the party power brokers, from Big Business, Big labour and the Big Banks, have always been quite sure that those leaders would "govern right," when the time came ... and, except for Pierre Trudeau, they all did.
I see that the CPC is increasing its attacks on M Trudeau's (and M Mulcair's) fiscal plans: warning Canadians that both will run deficits. That's aimed squarely at the suburbs where, by and large, deficit financing causes real (albeit unreasoned) fear.
That M Trudeau is going after M Mulcair suggests, to me, that he knows who the real enemy is: he's fighting for Stornoway, not 24 Sussex Drive and it's an uphill battle.