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Election 2015

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I think M. Trudeau and his advisors are torn, for the moment anyway, between two possible campaigns:

    1. Campaign 1 says that M. Trudeau and his Liberals have a good shot at replacing Prime Minister Harper and his Conservatives as PM and governing party; or

    2. Campaign 2 which says that displacing Prime Minister Harper is very, very hard but replacing Mr Mulcair and the NDP as opposition leader and opposition party is achievable.

There is one thing M. Trudeau must do ~ move past Mr Mulcair and the NDP. If he cannot do that he fails as leader and disappears as did Dion and Ignatieff before him.

In a better world (for Liberals) he wants to move past Mulcair and reduce Harper's Conservatives to a minority government; better still will be a Liberal minority government and, of course, the brass ring is a Liberal majority. It seems to me that he has a very good shot at displacing the NDP, a good chance at reducing the Conservatives to a minority government, a decent chance at forming a Liberal minority government and, right now, a year to 18 months away from the election, a chance at forming a Liberal majority government.

But, which campaign to choose? He must defeat Mulcair, which suggests campaigning on the left, dividing the left, in other words, which helps Prime Minister Harper. But if he and his team estimate that they can defeat Prime Minsiter Harper and take the government then I expect them to run a centrist campaign ~ enough appeal to take seats, especially in Quebec, away from the NDP which no longer has 'le bon Jack' (who, I think, personally delivered dozens of seats in both Quebec and Ontario) but a campaign that directly tackles Prime  Minister Harper on the 'pocketbook' issues that mater most in the Ontario and BC suburbs.

The "middle class" has a role in each campaign:

    1. The left campaign will have a lot of "make the rich pay" rhetoric - Trudeau will look like Obama in 2012; but

    2. The centre campaign will be about holding the line on spending and creating jobs - less and less Crystia Freeland and more and more Scott Brison.


 
E.R. Campbell said:
I wonder if this particular backlash against M. Trudeau's "pro chice" edict is going to grow?

Dr Somerville makes a very good case for 'freedom of choice' for Liberals.


It seems, according to this article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail, that the issue will not go away:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/globe-politics-insider/trudeaus-abortion-stance-could-be-the-difference-between-victory-or-defeat-in-an-election/article18771398/#dashboard/follows/
gam-masthead.png

Trudeau’s abortion stance could be the difference between victory or defeat

SUBSCRIBERS ONLY

Campbell Clark
The Globe and Mail

Published Wednesday, May. 21 2014

He’s categorically pro-choice, and telling Liberal MPs they have to vote that way, too. But now he’s also telling pro-lifers he empathizes.

The political damage that Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau is trying to repair isn’t that he offended pro-life activists who can never support a pro-choice party. He didn’t have many of those voters anyway.

But in telling Canadians that new Liberal MPs will have to vote pro-choice from now on, he’s given some the impression that he’s booting people out of the party because of their deeply-held views. It’s become an issue of inclusion.

That explains the language Mr. Trudeau used. “To those it has troubled: I understand,” he said in an e-mail missive sent out Monday. “I empathize.”

Just who is he talking to? It’s not those for whom the pro-life cause is the all-important, absolute issue in politics. They’re not likely to be comforted.

But there’s another group of people whose sentiments have been riled, but aren’t likely to cast their ballots solely on pro-life or pro-choice lines.

John McKay, a pro-life Liberal MP, argues there are many people in between the “fundamentalists on both sides.”

There are generally pro-choice folks who believe, as former U.S. President Bill Clinton once said, that abortion should be safe, legal, and rare. There are those who want legal restrictions on late-term abortions. There are people with a generally pro-life orientation who don’t cast their ballots chiefly on the issue.

Among them are many people, perhaps two or three per cent of the population, who were starting to seriously consider switching votes to Mr. Trudeau’s Liberals, Mr. McKay said.

If those people feel cast out, it has an impact. Two or three percentage points can be the margin of victory, or defeat, in an election. It certainly means seats.

There’s another group, too, that could be turned off: pro-choice voters who don’t like the idea that the issue is dividing people – like pro-choice Catholics upset at the notion the Liberal party is rejecting people, their friends and neighbours, because of their views on abortion.

That’s why Mr. Trudeau’s advisers are stressing that leader’s position is about votes, not views. Liberal candidates and MPs can hold whatever views they want, as long as they vote pro-choice. It only goes so far: to a lot of people that looks a little like Henry Ford’s assertion that customers could buy a Model T in any colour they like, so long as it’s black.

Prime Minister Stephen Harper managed to needle Mr. Trudeau on the issue, making it about inclusion. The Conservative Party, he said, knows Canadians have conflicting, deeply-held views, “and all such views are welcome…”

For Mr. Trudeau, making the issue a question of party line made it possible to claim unequivocally that the party would stand up for woman’s right to choose. In the past, Liberals accused the Tories of harbouring a hidden agenda, only to have the NDP note they didn’t take a firm party stand.

Pro-life organizations like Campaign Life Coalition, who were trying to help nominate pro-life Liberal candidates, accuse Mr. Trudeau of acting undemocratically. But it’s not really clear voters think it’s more democratic to treat abortion as a debate of conscience for MPs, rather an issue they can decide at the ballot box by choosing between clear party position. No major party has adopted pro-life policies, but that’s at least partly because they believe it’s bad politics.

In purely political terms, however, it’s unlikely Mr. Trudeau will gain supporters by making the party’s pro-choice stand unequivocal. It may make some potential supporters feel like they’re not wanted.

Religious voters, notably, have moved heavily into the Conservative camp over the past decade. The party had hoped to win some back.

The Liberals might have little hope with Evangelical Christians, about 9 per cent of the population, 59 per cent of whom voted for the Tories in 2011, according to Angus Reid Global’s Andrew Grenville. But churchgoing Catholics, about 5 per cent of the population, used to be more likely to vote Liberal, until 2006. That suggests some might one day vote Liberal again, Mr. Grenville said.

They may be less likely if Mr. Trudeau’s position on abortion is taken by many as tantamount to exclusion. That’s probably why the Liberal Leader is doing his best to express a little empathy to repair some of the damage.


I still wonder if this was a considered position or a 'shot in the dark,' just trotted out because M. Trudeau "felt like it." Neither inspires confidence.
 
The pro-choice tactic is not serving Justin Trudeau or the Liberal Party well according to CBC News.

I don't think the merits of his position matter ... the media sharks can smell blood in the water and they are circling, until, anyway, something else happens to someone who is more newsworthy.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
...someone who is more newsworthy.

Who could possible more newsworthy than the anointed one?

Seriously though. This whole rule by edict thing has great backfire potential. I think voter understand that there is a certain spectrum of views within each party. They're content to vote for the party that aligns most with their political agenda. I'm not sure that voters will take well to a party that lays down too many restrictions on potential MPs.

It's been said before: we vote for our MPs to represent us. Not themselves, or their party, or their leader. I don't care how my MP feels about a given issue, or how the party feels, it's their job to care how I feel about it.
 
Two columnists in the Hill Times are speculating that "Next election campaign could be four months long, will cause spending ‘orgy’". The article is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Hill Times:

http://www.hilltimes.com/news/news/2014/05/26/next-election-campaign-could-be-four-months-long-will-cause-spending-orgy/38552
hilltimes_logo.jpg

Next election campaign could be four months long, will cause spending ‘orgy’

By ABBAS RANA, CHRIS PLECASH

Published: Monday, 05/26/2014

If Prime Minister Stephen Harper sticks to the fixed election date in Oct. 19, 2015, the next federal election campaign will be the longest and the most expensive in Canadian political history as the unofficial campaign will start right after the House adjourns in June 2015 and will continue until the Oct. 19 election day, causing an “orgy” of election spending, say Hill insiders.

Don Boudria, a former six-term MP and Cabinet minister who retired in 2004 and served in various Cabinet portfolios in the Jean Chrétien government, told The Hill Times that the 2015 election campaign could be the longest ever because the writ for the 36-day campaign would be issued Sept. 13. According to the Parliamentary calendar, the House is scheduled to adjourn on June 23, 2015 and return on Sept. 21.

Instead, Mr. Boudria said, political parties and their candidates will ramp up their campaign activities about three months in advance, from the moment the House adjourns for summer.

“The House will adjourn June 23 and everybody’s going to go. They’re not going to take this summer off, they’re not going to go to their cottage. They’re obviously going to start campaigning the next day, if not before,” said Mr. Boudria, now a senior counsellor at Hill & Knowlton Strategies.

If Prime Minister Harper (Calgary Southwest, Alta.) follows the fixed election date, it will be the first federal election in Canadian political history when everybody knows the exact date in advance. This will lead to an extended unofficial campaign with expensive, heavy rotations of attack ads and other campaign activities from all parties, said Mr. Boudria.

“It’s going to cause an orgy of election spending during the summer of next year because Parliament did not change the election spending rules” in Bill C-23, the Conservatives’ electoral reform legislation, said Mr. Boudria.

Some Conservative insiders and opposition parties have been speculating over the last few weeks that Prime Minister Harper could decide to trigger an earlier election after the next federal budget to take advantage of momentum generated from next year’s expected balanced federal budget with billions of dollars of surplus.

The fixed election date law passed by Parliament in May 2007 says elections are to be held on “the third Monday of October in the fourth calendar year following the previous general election.” The last federal election took place on May 2, 2011 so the next election date is  Oct. 19, 2015.

Even with this fixed elections date law in place, the Canada Elections Act “does not prevent a general election from being called at another date.” The act requires that the election campaign period last a minimum of 36 days, but it does not specify a maximum.

There is no pre-writ spending limit for election advertising or other campaign activities but Elections Canada does restrict the amount of money that can be spent on election activities during the writ period.

The spending limit for national political parties during the writ period is calculated by how many candidates each party is running and the number of voters in each riding where there’s a candidate. In the last election, the Conservatives, who ran candidates in all but one riding, had a spending limit of $20,995,088; the NDP and Liberals, who ran candidates in all 308 ridings, had a $21,025,793 limit. The Conservatives did not run a candidate against former Quebec Independent MP André Arthur.

The three national parties usually spend up to the maximum in election campaigns and sometimes even try to circumvent the spending rules by coming up with creative ways to spend more money than they are allowed.

Since Prime Minister Harper formed government in 2006, Conservatives spent millions of dollars on attack ads to pummel their opponents, which yielded positive political results. Attack ads against former Liberal leader Stéphane Dion (Saint-Laurent-Cartierville, Que.) were in high rotation right after he was elected as party leader in 2006, portraying him as bumbling, incompetent, and “not a leader.” Conservatives also demonized Mr. Dion’s Green Shift policy in the 2008 federal election, describing it as a “tax on everything.”

The Harper Conservatives ran an all-out advertising blitz to discredit former Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff, portraying him as an elitist snob and an opportunist “just visiting” Canada to become prime minister after spending 34 years abroad.

Since Justin Trudeau (Papineau, Que.) became the Liberal leader last year, Conservatives have run ads presenting him as a party leader who is “in way over his head.”

Up until now, Conservatives have been able to successfully execute this strategy because of their financial superiority over the Liberals and the New Democrats. It remains to be seen if the Liberals and the New Democrats will unleash any attack ads against the Conservatives in the pre-writ period next year.

Conservative MP Peter Goldring (Edmonton East, Alta.) agreed, in an interview with The Hill Times, that the candidates and political parties will start campaigning next summer when the House adjourns. He said candidates will be trying to attend as many community events as possible to make themselves visible in their ridings.

“It’s for sure that people will be campaigning through the summer, that’s just a given, but it’ll be [an] unofficial campaign. People will have been nominated by then. For sure, people will be trying to position themselves through that period of time,” Mr. Goldring said.

He said it’s no surprise that political campaign activities and spending will intensify before the writ is dropped next year because Canadian political parties are already in a permanent campaign mode.

“They’re doing this all the time. They’re doing it right now. It’ll certainly be heightened during that period of time,” he said.

Conservative strategist Tim Powers agreed.

“I think the next campaign is already effectively beginning. Whether you have an extra 80 days or not, for all intents and purposes, people are becoming more election-minded now and you see this in different positions that parties are taking and policies they’re advocating now. I don’t think it really matters that much,” said Mr. Powers, who is vice-chairman of Summa Strategies.

“We’ve seen both the Liberals and New Democrats follow the lead of Conservatives and spend money on advertising outside of the election window. We see extensive fundraising and appeals made by all parties outside of the election window on issues, which is all a form of campaigning. I do think, even though we’re in a majority period, we are in [a] ‘permanent campaign.’ The official dates are markers of convenience.”

Former NDP campaign director Brad Lavigne, now vice-president of Hill & Knowlton, said that after the House adjourns, political parties will use a variety of tools to define their opponents and to determine what the ballot question will be.

“The months between Parliament’s sitting and the actual writ drop, obviously without any conditions on how much money can be spent by parties… it’s going to be open campaign season to help shape what the fall vote will be about. It will be able to define what the ballot box question will be. Millions of dollars may get spent in that pre-writ spending in order to shape the discussion,” he said.

NDP national director Anne McGrath said that since Mr. Harper became Prime Minister in 2006 and because of the past two minority governments, election readiness for all parties, at all times, has become a routine. She said that even though the Conservatives have a majority government, they still operate as if they’re in a minority government and function in permanent campaign mode.

“It’s actually what we’ve lived with since the mid-2000s,” she said.

“It feels like the election is always on—even now. It has during minority Parliaments, and it still does during this majority Parliament. I’m not sure it’s the fixed election date that’s the issue as [much as] it is this kind of move towards permanent campaign mode.”

The Conservative Party’s controversial Fair Elections Act legislation that’s before Parliament addressed a number of issues related to election law but not the issue of pre-writ spending.

Mr. Goldring said that in his view, no restriction on spending outside of the writ period is required. He argued that there are already significant restrictions in place on fundraising for political parties and candidates, so if a party is able to raise enough money to spend in between elections, it should be allowed.

But Liberal MP Kevin Lamoureux (Winnipeg North, Man.), in a voicemail message to The Hill Times, said that due to the politics of the Fair Elections Act, there has been a lack of discussion and debate on a wide range of issues, including inadequate restrictions on pre-writ spending. He said that pre-writ spending is something that should be addressed because political parties with “big pockets” can spend as much money as they like in between elections with very little accountability.

The Hill Times
 
E.R. Campbell said:
The pro-choice tactic is not serving Justin Trudeau or the Liberal Party well according to CBC News.

I don't think the merits of his position matter ... the media sharks can smell blood in the water and they are circling, until, anyway, something else happens to someone who is more newsworthy.


And the issue will not go away ... now The Toronto Star, an officially liberal newspaper,* suggests that "“It appears Justin Trudeau’s restrictions on Liberal candidates with pro-life views has peeled off a small but important tranche of support for not only him, but, incrementally, his party. I’m not sure that there is a corresponding upside, in that those who support pro-choice views are already in his court,” said Forum Research President, Lorne Bozinoff." the article says that Liberal support has slipped by 3% (more than the margin of error) from 39% to 36% and that supports for the NDP grew my a similar amount, from 20% to 23%. Conservative support remained steady at 30%. The article also says that M Trudeau's "approval as leader" dropped by a corresponding amount as his party — three per cent — from 46% to 43%. (All numbers are based on Forum Research's monthly polls.)

____
* See the Atkinson principles
 
While this article is about another Tea Party Movement victory in the United States, I think it has a place here. Many of the factors operating in the US which drive the Tea Party Movement (arrogant and disconnected politicians, an overweening bureaucratic/regulatory state which is used to cement advantages to the politically connected, open corruption by politicians and insiders) are quite obviously at work here as well. I suspect that while the form and nature of the Canadian movement will be different from the Tea Party Movement, the responses buy the political establishment and the various elites who benefit from the status quo will be remarkably similar.

Politicians who recognize this will be able to cash in (think Rob Ford), and while the current "big three" parties will be hard to dislodge, I think what we will see are a series of surprises (perhaps in a few ridings in the Ontario election, but more so in the fall municipal elections and then the 2015 Federal election) which will be a warning for the political establishment. The responses will range from "doubling down" on current policies to perhaps some new thinking or at least looking outside the box for new solutions. The ultimate end may be the actual disappearance of some parties (think of the Federal PC's, or even earlier the "Progressives" or even the American Whig Party prior to the Civil War. Plenty of other parties have vanished around the world when they no longer could supply answers or solutions to current issues and problems).

http://pjmedia.com/rogerkimball/2014/06/11/eric-cantor-and-the-conventional-wisdom/?print=1

Eric Cantor and the Conventional Wisdom
Posted By Roger Kimball On June 11, 2014 @ 4:45 am In Uncategorized | 11 Comments

There are two words that recur like a drumbeat in the news stories about David Brat’s defeat of House Majority Leader Eric Cantor in the Virginia primary last night.  One is “historic.” The second is some variant of “stunning” (“staggering,” “shocking,” etc.).  John Fund does us the courtesy of deploying both: “Eric Cantor’s loss is historic,” he writes at National Review [1]. “No sitting House majority leader has lost an election since the office was created in 1899. While Cantor’s loss was a stunning surprise, the warning signals were around for a while.” He then supplies a list of explanations that seemed obvious only after David Brat won. Yesterday afternoon, the wise men of the commentariat would have dismissed them with a self-assured thoroughness and consistency that is truly marvelous to behold. 

“Historic” and “stunning.”  That is, the triumph of the tea-party-backed economics professor was both 1) important and 2) unexpected.

It was unexpected because (for example) Cantor outraised Brat by $5.7 million to $231,000 [2].  Cantor was the establishment candidate. He has (how long before that “s” becomes a “d”?) a national profile. Brat is . . .  (pause for Wikipedia check) an economics professor at Randolph-Macon College,  an obscure institution in Ashland, Virginia.

Frankly, though, what surprises me about such events as David Brat’s victory is the surprise they occasion. Nigel Farage and the other anti-EU politicians weren’t supposed to trounce the established parties in the European elections a couple of weeks ago. Members of the established parties and the human remora [3] that attend them told us so. But Farage, Le Pen, and the rest trounced them across Europe.  This, said Manuel Valls [4], the French prime minister, was “a shock, an earthquake that all responsible leaders must respond to.”

Right.  And how’s that working out?  From where I sit, the response of “responsible leaders,” i.e., representatives of the conventional wisdom, has been mostly confined to what they used to call in the Wild West a circling of the wagons. Demonize the bastards. Ostracize ’em.  Talk incessantly about “fringe candidates” and “extremists”  who cannot win (except they just did), who will upset the status quo, which by an extraordinary coincidence just happens to benefit those registering their “shock,” their having been “stunned,” “staggered,” not to say “utterly dismayed.”

Both parties have been assiduous in demonizing the tea party.  And they’ve been quite effective in convincing themselves that it was yesterday’s news, that the upsets of 2010 were an anomaly, that business-as-usual (represented by us mature politicians who are already in office) had once again achieved the upper hand. Order, in short, had been restored.

Except that unexpected things like David Brat’s victory, like UKIP’s victory in the European election, keep happening.

So one lesson is: expect the unexpected. Politics (like life) is full of what Monty Python taught us to understand as “Spanish Inquisition [5]” moments. The nice thing about them is the spectacle of confusion followed instantly by the expression of fresh certainties they occasion among the punditocracy.  What was impossible just yesterday is now presented as inevitable, and they have the charts and rationales to prove it.

Which brings me to the other aspect of the Cantor Conundrum, the Brat Braining: the contention that, in addition to being “staggering,” “stunning,” etc., it is also of vast importance.  Is it? In the sense that it (like the European elections of a fortnight ago) bespeaks a profound unease among the electorate with politics (and nota bene, pollsters: politicians) as usual, I’d say, yes, it is important. We’ve been told that the “tea party” is a spent force.  The trouble is, the millions of ordinary people who are disgusted with Washington, who fear and loathe the the rise of the imperial state with its vast armory of regulation and surveillance, not to mention its untouchable self-enriching nomenklatura — those millions haven’t gotten the memo. They don’t know that their interests and desires are de trop, even though their masters in Washington have done everything possible to reinforce that idea.

But that’s the problem with the conventional wisdom. When it comes to politics, anyway, it is often merely conventional, rarely wise.  Which is why the victory of an obscure economics professor last night is important, even if it should have surprised no one.

Article printed from Roger’s Rules: http://pjmedia.com/rogerkimball

URL to article: http://pjmedia.com/rogerkimball/2014/06/11/eric-cantor-and-the-conventional-wisdom/

URLs in this post:

[1] National Review: http://www.nationalreview.com/corner/380057/looking-back-tea-leaves-cantor-john-fund
[2] $5.7 million to $231,000: http://www.apple.com
[3] remora: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Remora
[4] said Manuel Valls: http://pjmedia.com/rogerkimball/2014/05/26/the-lesson-of-the-election/
[5] Spanish Inquisition: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vt0Y39eMvpI&feature=kp
Click here to print.
 
"Historic" and "stunning" are terms used by pundits who pronounced the Tea Party dead.

There's still a pretty robust pulse there!
 
I think we need to be careful in reading Tea Party tea leaves here in Canada.

First: there is no one, single, coherent Tea Party: it is a a diverse, disjointed movement. It appears, to me, that Mr Cantor failed on two fronts: he was disconnected from his constituents, a peril of those in political leadership positions, and he was 'wrong' on immigration, at least as far as that issue motivated the (relatively) few people who bothered with the GOP primary.

Second; there is real, deep, visceral hatred of Washington, of official Washington, in large swathes of America. People are sick and tired of partisan gridlock and they are voting against everyone and everything that represents Washington. Mr. Brat, it seems, rode that pony to victory and Mr Cantor ... well he wasn't riding, he was carrying that horse on his back, as baggage!

Third: America remains deeply split. Yes, the Tea Party is tearing the GOP apart, but the other half of America, the half that will vote for Hillary Clinton or for whoever the Democrats put up for president are not motivated by anything that bothers the Tea Party, except their distaste for Republicans, in general. The American split is deep and fairly even: left vs, right, red vs blue, Democrats vs GOP ... whatever the GOP may end up being.

We do not have anything like the Tea Party, coherent or not, in Canada. The CPC still has a pretty firm grip on the closest we have to a radical right and he just strengthened it with a handful of actions which will not pass judicial muster but will suffice to keep the "red neck" part of the base on board.

Canadians may 'value' politicians about the same as they do used car salesmen but there is nothing like the hatred or even contempt for Ottawa that we find for Washington.

Canadians are, like Americans, split: but it is a three ways split: left, ce[size=18pt]ntre, right, and the real battle is for the very large, albeit mushy middle.

 
David Brat sounds like a hybrid of Tea Party and Occupy. “I am running against Cantor because he does not represent the citizens of the 7th District, but rather large corporations seeking insider deals, crony bailouts and a constant supply of low-wage workers."

I wonder if he is electable? Cantor outspent Brat 20 to 1 and his message resonated so well it didn't matter.
 
Interestingly, the seat was recently gerrymandered to make it a safer republican seat.  In doing so, however, it became more rural and conservative, which contributed to Cantor's defeat in the primary where only about 12% voted.

(Edit for flow & structure)
 
While we may not have a Tea Party movement per se, I still think some of the signs are there. The "Ford Nation" and the election of Rob Ford as mayor of Toronto is certainly a rejection of Toronto's political establishment. If Rob Ford were a different man, that could have been a huge factor in the Ontario elections coming up and perhaps the Federal election next year. Since Rob Ford is who he is, he has become toxic to most political parities and discourse, so the "Ford Nation" is an untapped force.

While the sort of "populist" voters who were a huge factor in the rise of the Reform Party in the 1990's might not arouse much admiration here, they too are still a force in the political landscape. IF the CPC is unable to manage them, then they may become something of a wild card in the electoral landscape.

And of course, more and more people are fed up with establishment politics anyway (think of low voter turnouts), and might be tempted by any semi viable alternative. As an example, Sun columnist and UWO professor Salim Mansur is running for the Freedom Party in my riding. He is the sort of "quality" candidate that the big three parties would have courted before hand. While I wish him well (he is also an acquaintance of mine), I think he is more of a warning of things to come (quality candidates no longer coming out to run for the establishment parties). Perhaps the longer term answer will be when outside the box parties can offer the combination of a positive message that resonates with voters and quality candidates to demonstrate they can carry out their programs.
 
Electing the spoiled millionaire son of a politician as mayor is a rejection of the political establishment?  That's like saying a Kennedy running in Massachusetts gets no name recognition.


More interesting is this piece from the CBC - seems an old-time bagman in his 80s has decided to come clean.  Lots of interesting tricks - like supporting a failed party to get its candidates to draw votes from your rivals.  http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/political-fixer-jean-yves-lortie-reveals-his-mulroney-era-dealings-1.2649981
 
Please, lets not drift off into American politics ...

Perhaps we can close off discussions about the Tea Party, and about the US in general, in this thread, by looking at a lengthy "must read" report from Pew Research.

For those for whom it is too long, I offer one graphic:

PP-2014-06-12-polarization-0-01.png


Twenty years ago the median views of Democrats and Republicans were fairly close together; then years ago those same median views were still close. Now they are not. The culture wars have torn American apart.

We do not have anything like the same divisions in Canada. The current US experience is not relevant to Canadian politics. All three main parties in Canada are trying to woo the mushy middle. Even if the Conservatives elect a conservative like Kenney or Moore they will not try to move the party off centre. The US example does not apply here, no matter how much a few people might wish it did ... if wishes were horses then poor men would ride.


 
dapaterson said:
Electing the spoiled millionaire son of a politician as mayor is a rejection of the political establishment? 

Since the political establishment in Toronto is most accurately represented by silk stocking socialists (who right now are celebrating the defeat of Tim Hudek and salivating at the prospect of anointing Olivia Chow as queen of Toronto), then I have to say that yes, the election of Rob Ford was a stinging slap at the establishment. Consider as well  the bona fides of George Smitherman, the man who was widely expected to become the mayor of Toronto intend of Rob Ford. What sort of constituency did he represent?

Ford may have establishment "roots" but he certainly ran and won as a populist, and against the "establishment".
 
Rob Ford now lives in a Liberal riding. Dump Harper and get a proper candidate or the PC will be dumped in the next election.
 
Define a "proper candidate".

The Ontario election is a danger to the people of Ontario's prosperity and a longer term danger to Canada if/when Ontario defaults, but it may actually represent an opportunity for the CPC.

Other people have noted in other threads that the governing party in Ottawa and Queens Park have almost always been in "opposition" to each other. While I take little comfort in that, if this trend continues, then I doubt Prime Minister Harper has much to worry about, except perhaps the timing of his retirement announcement and grooming the next CPC leader for the 2019 elections.

 
>Dump Harper and get a proper candidate or the PC will be dumped in the next election.

What would a "proper candidate" be?  Have you objective criteria, or did you just mean "someone whose position is indistinguishable from the Liberals"?
 
http://news.nationalpost.com/2014/06/12/ontario-election-2014-results-a-live-riding-by-riding-breakdown-of-the-vote/

Correct me if I'm wrong but it looks as if the Liberals held Liberal Ontario (ie Toronto and any other place with a university) while the Conservatives held Conservative Ontario (agricultural Ontario - 519 and 705). 

Another way to look at it is those that provide funds to provincial coffers and those that suck funds from them (and indirectly from my Albertan pockets).

Wynne intends to finance her budget by "fighting" for more money from Alberta, Saskatchewan and Newfoundland. 

I think Harper still has a firm base in Ontario for 2015.
 
Kirkhill said:
http://news.nationalpost.com/2014/06/12/ontario-election-2014-results-a-live-riding-by-riding-breakdown-of-the-vote/

Correct me if I'm wrong but it looks as if the Liberals held Liberal Ontario (ie Toronto and any other place with a university) while the Conservatives held Conservative Ontario (agricultural Ontario - 519 and 705). 

Another way to look at it is those that provide funds to provincial coffers and those that suck funds from them (and indirectly from my Albertan pockets).

Wynne intends to finance her budget by "fighting" for more money from Alberta, Saskatchewan and Newfoundland. 

I think Harper still has a firm base in Ontario for 2015.


In this report, which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail, Campbell Clark sees Ontario as being more competitive:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/globe-politics-insider/parties-take-note-the-path-to-parliament-goes-through-ontario/article19175948/#dashboard/follows/
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Parties, take note: The path to Parliament goes through Ontario

SUBSCRIBERS ONLY

Campbell Clark
The Globe and Mail

Published Monday, Jun. 16 2014

Federal parties now have a road map for next year’s election and it leads along Highway 401 and through Ontarians’ anxiety.

No party can win power in Ottawa without winning in the ring of suburbs around Toronto and small towns on either side. And last week’s provincial election showed no party can claim a lock on this turf.

Kathleen Wynne’s provincial Liberals won there because they made its anxious voters feel a little more secure. The trick for Stephen Harper, Thomas Mulcair and Justin Trudeau is to figure out how to do that, too.

Ms. Wynne persuaded enough voters that while Conservatives would just shrink government, she’d use it to ease their economic insecurity and daily lives a little. Mr. Trudeau’s federal Liberals will try to borrow that tack, too.

The provincial results suggest there’s a stretch of about 50 Southern Ontario seats where the action is: Most can flip between Conservatives and Liberals, but the NDP will be disturbed they weren’t in the game more.

Most of Ms. Wynne’s surprise majority victory, with 58 seats, came from an east-west red strip on either side of the 401 from Trenton to Brantford. Many are the same seats that clinched Mr. Harper’s Conservative majority in 2011.

Do these voters lean left? Right? They’re more anxious than ideological. A lacklustre economy has heightened middle-class worries about making ends meet, making it to a decent retirement, and making sure their kids have a future. They feel vulnerable.

Tim Hudak’s Progressive Conservatives offered them tough medicine. Restraint. Austerity. Pain to fix public finances.

But deficit-cutting isn’t really the top priority for most voters except when they think it’s needed to avoid calamity. They’re skeptical of claims it creates jobs. And Mr. Hudak’s pledge to cut the public service sounded like turmoil to them.

Ms. Wynne’s Liberals tried to reassure. They wouldn’t cut teachers while parents fret about their kids’ future. Instead of cuts, they’d spend on infrastructure, appealing to traffic-afflicted voters. They promised a pension plan to reassure struggling middle-class families about anemic savings.

Her strategists targeted what they called the “activist centre” – not protesters, but ordinary folks who believe government can do some good, as opposed to those who argue it’s wasteful and the best cure is to get it out of people’s way. Her plan even proposed “tax” increases, including a substantial pension levy. Voters appeared willing to pay for a little reassurance.

In a federal election, however, it’s Mr. Harper who’s usually reassuring. He isn’t untested and scary, as Mr. Hudak was portrayed by Liberals, he’s experienced and familiar. A little economic uncertainty usually helps his politics: He’s widely seen as a safe, restrained hand for the economy, who saves voters a few bucks, too.

In the 2011 election, it was Mr. Harper who won by driving up and down Highway 401 warning voters about turmoil – persuading Liberal voters to turn Tory by warning that the surging NDP would destabilize Canada’s economy.

But Ms. Wynne has just won the same voters with a different reassurance model. And Mr. Trudeau’s federal Liberals are planning a similar strategy to win the “activist centre.”

When Mr. Harper argues the economy is doing fine, they’ll portray him as out of touch with real lives. They’ll argue his unwillingness to use government to help ordinary folks shows he’s unconcerned with their troubles. Mr. Trudeau has pointed to two of Ms. Wynne’s planks, retirement and infrastructure, as priorities.

His opponents, meanwhile, will hammer Mr. Trudeau on his weakness in the effort to be reassuring: inexperience. Conservatives are preparing with ads portraying a Liberal Leader “in over his head.” The NDP will echo it, too.

But it’s Mr. Mulcair who will be chilled by what he saw last week.

The provincial NDP ran a moderate, pocketbook campaign designed to win the centre from scandal-plagued Liberals. It got, in the words of one NDP strategist, a “wakeup call in the battle between orange and red.”

Ontario voters didn’t get over their Rae-days fear of the NDP. The provincial party’s platform – much like Mr. Mulcair’s program – didn’t galvanize the left or lure the centre. The NDP’s vote went up slightly, and the federal party won’t lose hope of winning seats in Toronto’s inner suburbs.

But further out, and north of Highway 401, it was out of the game.

That’s a critical weakness in a critical place. Because the provincial election showed where the path to federal power is, and that soothing Southern Ontario’s anxiety is the way to get there.


But I think there is another complicating issue for the Liberals and NDP: Quebec. It seems to me that the first battleground for the Liberals and the NDP is in Quebec and they, but not the Conservatives, are engaged in a three way race (a potentially renewed BQ is also in play) there. I think that the issues that matter in Quebec and the issues which the Liberals and NDP will have to embrace are antithetical to suburban Ontario. I will give the Liberals and NDP urban Totonro, Ottawa, Hamilton and Windsor, and I think we need to concede most (not all) of rural Ontario to the CPC (the NDP has some pockets of support, especially in the North-West) so it is the suburbs, some large like Mississauga and Brampton, some small like Port Colborne and Woodstock, where the seats are still up for grabs. It seems to me that the advantage is with the CPC: it can craft a platform aimed, squarely at suburban Ontario and they can be confident it will also appeal in most of the West (but likely not in urban Vancouver).

If they, the CPC, can hang on to many/most of the 18 seats they hold East of the Ottawa River then that can compete in enough of the 228 seats West of the Ottawa River to win about 160 (70%of the available seats (they won 73% of the seats West of the Ottawa Riven in 2011)) and give them, with say, 170 to 175 seats, a majority in 2015.
 
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