Thailand in crisis
Sep 19th 2006 | BANGKOK
From Economist.com
Thailand’s armed forces move against the prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, while he is out of the country
AP/Reuters
RUMOURS of an impending military coup have been circulating in Bangkok for weeks. Until now it was unclear if they were just wishful thinking by opponents of the prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra. He has withstood months of pressure for his resignation, including big street protests earlier this year, over allegations of corruption and abuse of power. However, in the late evening of Tuesday September 19th, a small group of tanks appeared on the Thai capital’s streets, heading for Government House.
Mr Thaksin, apparently blasé about the rumoured unrest, had taken a long foreign trip, and was in New York for the United Nations General Assembly when the tanks rolled. He managed to contact one of Thailand’s television networks to begin broadcasting a declaration imposing a state of emergency in Bangkok. In the broadcast, he also ordered the army’s commander, Sonthi Boonyaratglin, to report to Chidchai Vanasathidya, one of Mr Thaksin’s deputies, in effect relieving General Sonthi of his command.
However, the coup organisers had begun seizing the television stations. Mr Thaksin’s message seemed to be cut off while he was still speaking. Soon all stations were broadcasting a message from a retired lieutenant-general, apparently on behalf of General Sonthi, telling the public that the armed forces were in temporary control but power would be returned “to the people” soon. He said “rampant corruption” and government meddling in independent institutions had prompted the armed forces and police to take over and set up a body to oversee political reforms. An election would follow, in which Mr Thaksin would be allowed to stand.
The plotters’ spokesman also told all soldiers to report to their bases and instructed them not to move except on the army command’s orders. This seemed a clear sign that they feared supporters of Mr Thaksin (a former police colonel) might stage a counter-coup.
The military takeover is the culmination of months of pressure, notably from academics and Bangkok’s middle classes, on Mr Thaksin to go. After his opponents took to the streets, he called a snap election in April, which the main opposition parties boycotted, letting his Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party win a meaningless victory. Nevertheless, the opposition’s boycott had made it impossible to form a quorate parliament. Eventually, Thailand’s revered King Bhumibol urged the country’s judges to sort out the “mess”. The courts called the election unconstitutional, annulled it and, in a separate case, jailed three of the election commissioners who had overseen it. Earlier this month, new commissioners were appointed, clearing the way for a new vote, perhaps in November.
Mr Thaksin had in recent days been keeping everyone guessing on whether he intended to remain prime minister if, as seemed likely, TRT won the new election. The plan seemed to be for the new government to set up a panel of eminent figures to propose big political and constitutional reforms. But now, apparently, the armed forces have decided to pre-empt all this, suspending the constitution and setting up a political-reform body of its own.
Anger at Mr Thaksin’s reported manoeuvrings to get his friends promoted in the annual shuffle of top military brass may have triggered the coup. In late August a junior army officer was arrested near the prime minister’s house, in a car packed with explosives. Mr Thaksin’s critics said he staged the bomb plot to win sympathy from voters—but it might have been a message to the prime minister to stop meddling in military affairs. Some perceived a power struggle between Mr Thaksin and a rival group led by Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired general and former prime minister, who is now the king’s senior adviser. When Mr Thaksin recently complained, cryptically, of a “charismatic figure” seeking to subvert his government, many assumed he meant Mr Prem.
So far Mr Prem has not spoken, but the coup leaders were granted a royal audience on the evening of the coup. Thailand’s last military coup, 15 years ago, was followed by big pro-democracy protests. Suchinda Kraprayoon, the leader of that coup, ordered troops to fire on demonstrators, killing scores of them. After this, the king summoned Suchinda and the protest leader, Chamlong Srimuang, and told them firmly that the violence must stop. Suchinda stepped down and democracy was restored. Since then it had been assumed that Thailand had put its days of frequent coups and unstable government behind it. Such hopes would now seem to have been dashed.
