At the same time Mr. Trudeau was assuming the helm of the Liberal Party in 2013, he was also taking control of the party apparatus, including the now-defunct national executive, which was replaced as the governing organization of the party by a national board. While this move might have looked to many like a change in name only, it was far from just that.
An acquaintance, who is a former senior member of the Liberal Party and who previously held senior positions in Liberal governments in the 1990s and 2000s, pointed out to me that many of the changes Mr. Trudeau and his advisers made to the party’s constitution have allowed him to be more than sanguine about a potential uprising undermining his leadership.
The makeup of the national board has changed, for instance. The new configuration effectively gives greater power and control to the Leader. Provincial wings no longer have the clout they once exerted. Again, the infrastructure has been usurped by Mr. Trudeau and the coterie of true power brokers around him.
One of the first things Mr. Trudeau’s forces did after seizing control of the party was to get rid of the previous leadership review provisions, making it so that a review could only be held after an election loss. Prior to that, one could be brought forward at any scheduled national convention of the party.
Mr. Trudeau changed the nature of membership of the party, promoting non-paying “supporters” over card-carrying members. This was supposed to reflect the post-partisan times we live in, apparently. But again, a “supporter” does not have the same influence that the former, paid-in-full Liberal Party member once did. Instead, the Liberals became a cult of personality.
After doing this, Mr. Trudeau’s grip over the national Liberal Party office, board members and regional entities was complete – making any attempt to undermine his leadership all but impossible.
“There is no Liberal Party beyond the name and office – he has killed it,” my friend told me in an email. (I’ve agreed not to name him because of fears he has of potential reprisals for his comments.) “There are no soldiers to fight the next election war. His unchecked power over the party, power some of his predecessors would have liked to have had in full measure (think Trudeau père), has hollowed out the party.”
There is one other thing Mr. Trudeau made sure didn’t happen under his watch: He made certain he wasn’t held more accountable to his caucus than he needed to be. In other words, he wanted no part of the Reform Act, which allows MPs to review and remove their party leader.
The act was designed by Conservative MP Michael Chong and adopted by Parliament in 2015. Under the act, if 20 per cent of a caucus signs a petition calling for a leadership review, a vote is triggered. If a majority of the party’s MPs then vote against the leader, the leader is forced to step down. The Conservatives are the only party that adopted the act. They used it to oust Erin O’Toole as leader in 2022.
Of course, there wasn’t much outcry at the time over the changes Mr. Trudeau brought in to insulate himself from any potential rebellion. He brought the party back from oblivion and led it to three election wins in a row. When that’s happening, no one cares much about changes made to the party constitution years earlier, even if they could be used by the leader to help keep his job in the face of internal opposition.