Here, reproduced under the Fair Dealings provisions of the Copyright Act, from a very recent (6 Jan 07) edition of the
Globe and Mail is a
summary of the situation in Afghanistan, as seen through a Canadian political lens, by the
Globe’s Jeffrey Simpson:
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20070105.cosimp06/BNStory/National/home
A bad end looms over Canada's Afghan mission
JEFFREY SIMPSON
From Saturday's Globe and Mail
Now that we've seen the last of the Christmas feel-good stories about Canada's troops in Afghanistan, serious analysis can focus on the tasks ahead for those troops — tasks made more difficult by the lack of progress in 2006.
That lack of progress was not the troops' fault. Instead, it reflected wider, ominous developments over which the Canadians have little, if any, control. These developments include the growing Taliban presence in Pakistan, the refusal of other NATO countries to assume new responsibilities, the Americans' Iraq distraction, the ongoing failure of NATO's poppy eradication policy, and the inability to make a dent against endemic poverty and corruption.
Canada has about 2,500 personnel in the province of Kandahar. Of these, perhaps 800 to 1,000 actually go on patrol. Their job remains to bring peace and stability (with such Afghan soldiers as can be found) to territory roughly the size of Nova Scotia.
The enemies of peace and stability — the Taliban, al-Qaeda, jihadists — are in the province, and over the border in Pakistan. Throughout this winter, these groups have rested, reorganized and trained for the next onslaught.
Borders must be sealed to improve any counterinsurgency's chance of success. The Pakistani-Afghan border, by contrast, is wide open. One slice of territory inside Pakistan adjacent to the border — the so-called federally administered tribal areas — has become what diplomats and intelligence officials quoted in The New York Times call a “Taliban mini-state.”
Last month, the Times chronicled how foreign fighters have implanted themselves in the area, supplanting tribal leaders, sometimes by violence. The foreign fighters have imported from Iraq the use of suicide bombings, car bombs and roadside explosive devices. These tactics will be increasingly used in Afghanistan.
The enemies of stability are also recruiting in Pakistan's madrassas (religious schools). The Times quoted unnamed officials saying the list of youths lining up for suicide attacks is lengthening in the tribal areas and Quetta, the headquarters of al-Qaeda.
Pakistan signed an agreement with the area's tribal leaders that made everything easier for the Taliban and al-Qaeda — and, therefore, more ominous for the Canadians and other NATO forces. The agreement stipulated that Pakistan would withdraw forces from the area in exchange for a pledge by tribal leaders to prevent people from crossing into Afghanistan.
Pakistan's central government essentially gave up trying to control the tribal areas. The result has been a political vacuum into which the Taliban and other militants have moved. It's widely believed that some elements of Pakistan's security forces support the Taliban, either because they sympathize with the Taliban's ideology or prefer a weak Afghanistan.
The Americans went easy on Pakistan's safe haven for the Taliban in exchange for (fitful) co-operation in pursuing al-Qaeda, the use of some military bases, and the shutting down of A. Q. Khan's nuclear proliferation network. The U.S. and NATO retain much leverage over Pakistan.
While the situation in Pakistan deteriorated, so did NATO's overall commitment to the success of the Afghan mission. With security threats rising, NATO countries failed to correspondingly increase the number of forces and reconstruction funds committed to Afghanistan.
When the countries doing the fighting in the troubled south — Canada, Britain and the Netherlands — asked for help, they got next to nothing from the other allies (Poland excepted). These countries, therefore, will spend 2007 facing a redoubtable, better-equipped foe with essentially the same forces as in 2006.
The United States is completely overwhelmed by the catastrophe it created in Iraq. President George W. Bush will make one last desperate attempt to stabilize at least the Baghdad area by sending thousands of additional U.S. soldiers. That deployment means no more troops for Afghanistan.
Police training in Afghanistan, supposedly the responsibility of Germany, is going badly. Poppy eradication, supposedly the responsibility of Britain, is going backward, with the United Nations reporting a record crop in 2006. The profits from the poppy trade help fuel the insurgency and augment corruption. Judicial training, supposedly the responsibility of Italy, is a joke.
Barnett Rubin, the foremost U.S. academic expert on Afghanistan, visited the country four times last year. His eminence gave him access to leaders everywhere. His article in Foreign Affairs chronicles the problems and failures, although he rightly credits Canadians and others (without mentioning them) for preventing the Taliban from winning a fight for territory west of Kandahar.
Failure to provide enough aid, he writes, is leading to rising crime, lack of electricity, deepening poverty, police corruption, and a booming drug economy. Failure to persuade Pakistan to be helpful means a more difficult military challenge. Failure of NATO countries to step up their military contributions (and to redeploy to the dangerous south and east) and to increase reconstruction aid has placed the long-term success of the entire Afghan mission in doubt.
These are factors over which Canada has minimal control. But they are the ones, ultimately, that will determine the fate of the mission in Kandahar.
jsimpson@globeandmail.com
I do not normally pay much attention to Simpson when he strays out of his lane (Canadian domestic politics) and discusses foreign and defence matters. But, this is, essentially, a rehash of Barnett Rubin’s Jan/Feb 2007
Foreign Affairs article - http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20070101faessay86105/barnett-r-rubin/saving-afghanistan.html as Simpson acknowledges.
”Rubin is Director of Studies and a Senior Fellow at New York University's Center on International Cooperation and the author of The Fragmentation of Afghanistan
. He served as an adviser to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General at the UN Talks on Afghanistan in Bonn in 2001.” Rubin is a credible source; his views, synopsized for a quick easy read by Canadian decision makers, matter and should be considered.
More important: this summary
was read and considered yesterday morning by an influential if often credulous audience – including Conservative Party caucus members. Some points to note,
I think are:
1.
“Borders must be sealed to improve any … chance of success …” This is a self evident truth,
I believe, but much, much easier said than done because it must refer to more than just the Afghanistan/Pakistan border – Afghanistan also borders Iran, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and China. All but China have porous borders with Afghanistan;
2.
“…foreign fighters have implanted themselves in the area, supplanting tribal leaders, sometimes by violence. The foreign fighters have imported from Iraq the use of suicide bombings, car bombs and roadside explosive devices.” This also seems self-evident and reinforces the problem enunciated in 1, above;
3.
“The enemies of stability are also recruiting in Pakistan's madrassas …” These Saudi funded ‘schools’ preach and teach a narrow form of Islam, to mainly destitute children, designed to create fundamentalists who will see
jihad and martyrdom as paths to a better existence (it could hardly get much worse). This problem is bigger than Pakistan. The rich Saudi
Wahabbis, bankrolled and protected by the Saudi royal family, are one of the tangled roots of the radical Islamist movements. They sponsor the
madrassas;
4.
“Pakistan's central government essentially gave up trying to control the tribal areas. The result has been a political vacuum into which the Taliban and other militants have moved … some elements of Pakistan's security forces support the Taliban …” This makes eradicating the
madrassas and sealing the border even more difficult;
5.
“Police training in Afghanistan, supposedly the responsibility of Germany, is going badly.” Effective national, regional and, especially, local police is one of the keys to making Afghanistan governable. If we cannot make Afghan governable by Afghans, for Afghans we will have failed. Thanks, NATO/Germany;
6.
“Poppy eradication, supposedly the responsibility of Britain, is going backward, with the United Nations reporting a record crop in 2006. The profits from the poppy trade help fuel the insurgency and augment corruption.” As Ruxted pointed out at -
http://ruxted.ca/index.php?/archives/35-More-than-a-hammer.html - there needs to be a fresh look at how to take the profits from the opium poppy away from the bad guys without bankrupting poor farmers who cultivate poppies on arid land where little else can be grown for an honest profit; and
7.
“Judicial training, supposedly the responsibility of Italy, is a joke.” This exacerbates the problem at 5, above. Thanks NATO/Italy.
In addition, Simpson takes a shot at the military’s tooth-to-tail ratio, too. That will not pass unnoticed and,
it seems to me it highlights the less than adequate job that MND Gordon O’Connor has done in explaining not just the ‘why’ of Afghanistan but also the ‘who,’ ‘what,’ and ‘how’ of the mission. A few reporters have tried to explain why it requires about two C3, medical and service support people to back-up every battle group soldier but they have not managed to convey either the criticality of solid C3 and logistical support or the
universal nature of admin
tails in all allied armies. Too bad; Simpson is likely to stir up controversy where none is warranted.
I just wish some politicians and members of the national
commentariat would take note of the final self evident truth expounded by Simpson:
” These are factors over which Canada has minimal control.” Our military has to fight and work within the constraints imposed by all the problems Rubin/Simpson enunciate; ditto our development workers, diplomats and officials and generals in Ottawa and their political masters, too. The fact that we cannot exercise much ‘control’ for the situation in Afghanistan is not a good reason to pack up and come home before the job we can do is done.