Moderate Muslims must do more than preach moderation
IRSHAD MANJI
From Wednesday's Globe and Mail
July 4, 2007 at 3:26 AM EDT
The dramatis personae arrested in the wake of the failed British terror plots include medical professionals. This seeming paradox has many scratching their heads. Aren't Muslim martyrs supposed to be poor, dispossessed and resentful about both?
The 9/11 attacks should have stripped us of that simplification. The hijackers came from means. Mohamed Atta, their ringleader, had an engineering degree. He then moved to the West, doing his postgraduate studies in Germany. No aggrieved goat herder, that one.
In 2003, I interviewed Mohammed al-Hindi, the political leader of Islamic Jihad in Gaza. A physician himself, he explained the difference between suicide and martyrdom. "Suicide is done out of despair," he diagnosed. "But most of our martyrs today were very successful in their earthly lives."
In short, it's not what the material world fails to deliver that drives suicide bombers. It's something else.
Time and again, that something else has been articulated by the very people committing these acts: their religion. Consider Mohammed Sidique Khan, the teaching assistant who masterminded the July 7, 2005, transit bombings in London. In taped testimony, he railed against British foreign policy. But before bringing up Tony Blair, he emphasized that "Islam is our religion" and "the Prophet is our role model." In short, he gave priority to God.
Now take Mohammed Bouyeri, the Dutch-born Moroccan Muslim who murdered filmmaker Theo van Gogh. Mr. Bouyeri pumped several bullets into Mr. van Gogh. So why didn't he stop there? Why did he pull out a blade to decapitate Mr. van Gogh? Again, we must confront religious symbolism. The blade is an implement associated with seventh-century tribal conflict. Wielding it as a sword becomes a tribute to the founding moment of Islam. Even the note stabbed into Mr. van Gogh's body, although written in Dutch, had the unmistakable rhythms of Arabic poetry. Let's credit Mr. Bouyeri with honesty: At his trial, he proudly acknowledged acting from "religious conviction."
Despite integrating Muslims far more adroitly than most of Europe, North America isn't immune. Last year in Toronto, police nabbed 17 young Muslim men allegedly plotting to blow up Parliament and behead politicians. They apparently called their campaign Operation Badr. This refers to the Battle of Badr, the first decisive military triumph achieved by the Prophet Mohammed. Clearly, the Toronto 17 drew inspiration from religious history.
For people with big hearts and goodwill, this has to be uncomfortable to hear. But they can take solace that the law-and-order types have a hard time with it, too. After rounding up the Toronto suspects, police held a press conference and didn't once mention Islam or Muslims. At their second press conference, police boasted about avoiding those words. If guardians of our safety intend such silence to be a form of sensitivity, they risk airbrushing the role that religion plays in the violence carried out under its banner.
They're in fine company: Moderate Muslims do the same. While the vast majority of Muslims aren't extremists, a more important distinction must start being made - one between moderate Muslims and reform-minded ones.
Moderate Muslims denounce violence in the name of Islam but deny that Islam has anything to do with it. By their denial, moderates abandon the ground of theological interpretation to those with malignant intentions - effectively telling would-be terrorists that they can get away with abuses of power because mainstream Muslims won't challenge the fanatics with bold, competing interpretations. To do so would be to admit that religion is a factor. Moderate Muslims can't go there. Reform-minded Muslims say it's time to admit that Islam's scripture and history are being exploited. They argue for reinterpretation precisely to put the would-be terrorists on notice their monopoly is over.
Reinterpreting doesn't mean rewriting. It means rethinking words and practices that already exist - removing them from a seventh-century tribal time warp and introducing them to a 21st-century pluralistic context. Un-Islamic? God, no. The Koran contains three times as many verses calling on Muslims to think, analyze and reflect than passages that dictate what's absolutely right or wrong. In that sense, reform-minded Muslims are as authentic as moderates, and quite possibly more constructive.
This week, a former jihadist wrote in a British newspaper that the "real engine of our violence" is "Islamic theology." Months ago, he told me that, as a militant, he raised most of his war chest from dentists.
Islamist violence - it's not just for doctors any more. Tackling Islamist violence - it can't be left to moderates any more.
http://www.muslim-refusenik.com
GAP said:You have done an excellent job of pointing out the Islamist POV, but to put it into context, is there not a 21st century Christian equivalent, or do we have to reach back into our far past for an equivalent?
Two trends are at work here: humiliation and atomization. Islam's self-identity is that it is the most perfect and complete expression of God's monotheistic message, and the Koran is God's last and most perfect word. To put it another way, young Muslims are raised on the view that Islam is God 3.0. Christianity is God 2.0. Judaism is God 1.0. And Hinduism and all others are God 0.0.
One of the factors driving Muslim males, particularly educated ones, into these acts of extreme, expressive violence is that while they were taught that they have the most perfect and complete operating system, every day they're confronted with the reality that people living by God 2.0., God 1.0 and God 0.0 are generally living much more prosperously, powerfully and democratically than those living under Islam.
......a quote from Mohammed Hadi Nejad-Hosseinian, Iran's deputy oil minister for international affairs: "If the government does not control the consumption of oil products in Iran ... and at the same time, if the projects for increasing the capacity of the oil and protection of the oil wells will not happen, within 10 years, there will not be any oil for export." That's from their guy, not a Western academic.
"A more probable scenario is that, absent some change in Irani policy ... [we will see] exports declining to zero by 2014 to 2015. Energy subsidies, hostility to foreign investment and inefficiencies of its state-planned economy underlie Iran's problem, which has no relation to 'peak oil.' "
Gasoline costs about $.34 cents a gallon in Iran, or 9 cents a liter. You can fill up your Honda Civic for $4.49. In the U.S. it costs almost $40. In neighboring Turkey it costs almost $95. Iran is spending 38% of its national budget (almost 15% of gross domestic product) on gasoline subsidies!
Loved that one! ;DTo put it another way, young Muslims are raised on the view that Islam is God 3.0. Christianity is God 2.0. Judaism is God 1.0. And Hinduism and all others are God 0.0.
History offers little chance for Arab democracy
Regional, Tribal Influences Still Dominate
Matthew Fisher, National Post
Published: Monday, July 09, 2007
JERUSALEM -In an absorbing discourse last week, one of Israel's greatest thinkers, Shlomo Avineri, sketched out the bleak history of democracy in the Middle East and what he called Palestine.
This history explained why the 74-year old Polish-born intellectual is deeply skeptical that it will take root any time soon except, curiously, perhaps in Iran, which at the moment is threatening Israel with nuclear annihilation.
After noting that Iran is not, of course, Arab, and that the ideas of the current government repel him, Avineri told a small group of foreign journalists that Iran can nevertheless be defined as a "civil society" because it holds elections including presidential runoffs, that women can drive, vote and sit in a parliament that is not controlled by the president.
This is not true of the Arab League. Big or small, monarchy or republic, not one of its 21 states has taken many step towards democracy except Lebanon, which has what might be described as a non-functioning party system.
Why, Avineri asked rhetorically, has there been monumental political change in sub-Saharan Africa, Asia and eastern Europe over the past 20 years while the Middle East has been immune to the trend?
"This is not because of Islam. That is a total red herring," the usually soft-spoken emeritus professor of political science at Hebrew University thundered scornfully.
"Turkey has industrialized, is democratic and has an Islamic-based party. Bangladesh and Indonesia are more-or-less free countries. In Iran there is Islamic representation and there are political debates."
What is absent in the Middle East is a history of democracy. There has been no inspirational figure such as Ataturk, who forged modern democratic Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. As a result there have been no democratic building blocks for Arab nations to copy.
"Those countries in eastern Europe that became democratic such as the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary, had had long democratic traditions before communism," Avineri said. "There was no such democratization in Russian because it had had a long history of authoritarian regimes."
Instead of democracy, what Arab countries have are pre-modern institutions where tribal and regional allegiances are paramount, the British-educated academic said, citing the example of Iraq. "There was a history of Sunni hegemony because the British put them in power," he said. After Saddam was overthrown the Shia-majority used the country's first elections to come to power, but neither Iraq's majority nor its minority knew how to behave in a democracy with chaos and carnage being the grim result.
Something similar has taken place more recently in Gaza and the West Bank. After Hamas defeated Fatah in elections in January, 2007, the first response of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who leads Fatah, was to take over some of the security services. Hamas countered by creating a rival militia known as Executive Force.
"Abu Mazen [Abbas] says he doesn't want a civil war. That is not an abstract idea. If you look at the history of Palestine, what you have is a failure of nation-building."
As was seen again when BBC journalist Alan Johnston was freed after 114 days as a hostage when Hamas fighters surrounded members of another Gaza faction that had kidnapped him, their differences were "settled through the barrel of a gun."
As part of his 75-minute tutorial, Avineri detailed how the Arab Revolt against Britain and Palestine's Jews that lasted from 1936 to 1939 had fizzled out because of internal divisions that resulted in Arabs killing more of their own than Britons or Jews. Similar problems surfaced again when during the war that created Israel in 1947 and 1948 because, unlike the Jews, the Arabs continued to operate as region-based clans rather than under a unified command.
The direction the Jewish and Arab communities who share what was British Palestine were to take on governance was already apparent in the 1930s, Avineri said.
Because it was a Mandate and not a colony, the British allowed some institutions of self-government.
"At the time there were 120,000 Jews in Palestine and they held an Assembly of Jews," chuckling at the fact that it had 17 different parties. "What the Arabs did was the opposite. They set up a High Committee of notables who were never elected."
Such deeply rooted historical attitudes are crucial to understanding why achieving democracy in the Middle East is so problematic and so unlikely.
© National Post 2007