• Thanks for stopping by. Logging in to a registered account will remove all generic ads. Please reach out with any questions or concerns.

Liberal (Minority/Majority) Government 2025 - ???

I largely agree with you.

I think Canada is waking up to the fact that we need to fund our military. I think savings will be found elsewhere.
I agree, and think it will keep rolling, especially on work already in progress and things needed as part of the projected growth.

The 2nd bit of my comment was more of a bit of cynical experience on the NSS side where the parties needed their 'brand' on it, but for both Harper and Trudeau it was all spin, and the actual contract, roll out etc basically followed the path laid out years before by some pretty smart public servants in DND and PSPC that were the godfathers of the whole NSS.

The shipbuilding aspect of it was almost a bonus after MPs saw the industrial benefits, so while it is a huge pain in the ass, and inefficient from a technical/operational point of view, every penny spent on tracking and explaining the IRBs is what got the NSS approved, sustained and potentially growing, so is a key part of the program success.

On the flip side, the IRBs we would have had as an early F35 partner with Canadian companies producing widgets that everyone used in the 1500+ plane fleet across the globe would have paid for the jets, even if we just parked them, so probably a lost opportunity by the FCO there, as they are focused almost entirely on operational capability, which most MPs don't care about, especially when you start talking about 4th vs 5th gen capabilities.

It will be pretty funny though if one of our peer adversaries develops a new detection methodology that defeats the stealth features, as that really undermines most of the added cost.
 
Hurry up and vote! If you don't support this you don't care about victims.


Minister says MPs must ‘choose’ victims by fast-tracking lawful access bill
As it pertains to some provisions of Part 1 of the bill, it’s as hamfisted yet substantially correct now as it was when the CPC were saying the same thing in 2012.
 
As it pertains to some provisions of Part 1 of the bill, it’s as hamfisted yet substantially correct now as it was when the CPC were saying the same thing in 2012.
I remember Harper pushing this stuff back then and not trusting him.

Warrantless access concerns, Metadata expansion and surveillance scope, weak judicial oversight, data retention concerns, concerns effecting speech and internet use (I think anonymous whistle blowing being one).

Also recall backlash against Vic Toews basically framing it as
“You’re either with us or with child pornographers”, which Anandasangaree seems to be channeling with his "choose victims".
 
I remember Harper pushing this stuff back then and not trusting him.

Warrantless access concerns, Metadata expansion and surveillance scope, weak judicial oversight, data retention concerns, concerns effecting speech and internet use (I think anonymous whistle blowing being one).

Also recall backlash against Vic Toews basically framing it as
“You’re either with us or with child pornographers”, which Anandasangaree seems to be channeling with his "choose victims".
Uniparty at work.

I mean, the LPC voted for a PC leader, they, I, am not surprised when we get PC stuff.
 

Montreal-based Marconi Technologies is the first Canadian company to land a contract under the SAFE defence procurement agreement Canada signed with the European Union.

Prime Minister Mark Carney unveiled the news on Monday at the G7 leaders' summit in Évian-les-Bains, France, before a meeting with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President António Costa.

"The first concrete example. There will be many more," Carney said. "We're stronger together and very pleased to continue these discussions."
First Canadian SAFE contract goes to Poland. Not surprised, I think we purchased something from Poland in May.
 
I remember Harper pushing this stuff back then and not trusting him.

Warrantless access concerns, Metadata expansion and surveillance scope, weak judicial oversight, data retention concerns, concerns effecting speech and internet use (I think anonymous whistle blowing being one).

Also recall backlash against Vic Toews basically framing it as
“You’re either with us or with child pornographers”, which Anandasangaree seems to be channeling with his "choose victims".
I’m only going to speak to Part 1 because that’s what I’ve looked at closely - part 2 is the provider-side technical requirements stuff - but Part 1 creates no new provisions for providing communications content without a warrant there isn’t actually a whole lot that’s new in there, mostly it clarifies and simplifies and makes new explicit legal provisions for aspects of technology and digital communications that the law hasn’t kept up with. The big things to me are finally resolving the Bykovets issue for information provided voluntarily and without request; the confirmation of service demand (which is very important to be able to get production orders), and the standalone production order for basic subscriber info on the reasonable suspicion threshold. There are a few other provisions but those are the standout ones to me when I think of what we actually need to move forward in investigations.

There’s no change to us needing production orders or warrants for any communications content, the data contents of electronic devices, etc. this will not lessen the burden on us when we ask a judge or justice for permission to take those intrusive steps; it just shortens and straightens the path to where we can have an Information to Obtain ready to bring to a judge to make those requests. And it closes the door on a few absurdities from Bykovets, like police serving themselves POs to be able to act on child porn disclosures.
 
I’m only going to speak to Part 1 because that’s what I’ve looked at closely

Thanks for the explanation. Still trying to wrap my head around some of the aspects of the act. Not sure or you can speak to this or not.

1. Rv Bykovets recognized a meaningful privacy interest in linking an individual to online activity. If the SCC said there's significant privacy interest in connecting an online identifier to a real person why should police be able to get that information using the lower standard of reasonable suspicion instead of the higher standard of reasonable grounds to believe?

2. What safeguards prevent these confirmation of service demands from becoming a routine fishing step before investigators have grounds for a production order?

3. And the big one, which investigative problems are actually being solved here that couldn't already be addressed through existing production orders and warrants, albeit with more time and paperwork? Or is that the meat and potstos of it, just a short turn around time?
 
MP Michael Barrett explains some of the challenges they are experiencing in parliamentary committees that many are now moving "in camera" (In chambers, nothing to do with video equipment)

 
Thanks for the explanation. Still trying to wrap my head around some of the aspects of the act. Not sure or you can speak to this or not.
You want nerd Brihard? 'Cause that's how you get nerd Brihard. Off we go...

1. Rv Bykovets recognized a meaningful privacy interest in linking an individual to online activity. If the SCC said there's significant privacy interest in connecting an online identifier to a real person why should police be able to get that information using the lower standard of reasonable suspicion instead of the higher standard of reasonable grounds to believe?
You're conflating two things into one.

Bykovets was a narrow ruling that a bare IP address on its own attracts a reasonable expectation of privacy. The practical impact has been that police who receive an unsolicited disclosure of an IP address from any third party as part of an offence could not simply use it. An IP address on its own can only be tracked back to an internet service provider. Where we see this impact the most in real life is where service providers like Discord detect child porn on their system, and they report it to the U.S. National Centre for Missing and Exploited Children. NCMEC is an NGO that takes these reports and forwards them to police all over the world. NCMEC will say 'Hey police, Discord reported that on Wednesday June 17th at 11:44 p.m., Discord user 'pedocreep' shared child porn. They were on IP address 123.45.67.89". Pre Bykovets, police could look up that IP, see it came back to Bell, ask Bell to confirm they have records for that IP on that date, and then write a production order to Bell for the subscriber info for that IP on that date. Now, post Bykovets, because the IP itself is considered to be subject to REP, now instead police have to save that disclosure, not use it or look at it, draft an Information to Obtain a production order naming their own police service, and ordering the police service to disclose that report including the IP address to itself. It's an absurdity, and it adds significant time and burden to the early stages of the investigation. There's no way Parliament intended this, and the 'Unsolicited Provision of Information' amendment to C.C. 487.0195(3) addresses exactly this.

Subscriber information is a separate matter. Subscriber informaiton has already been subject to REP. Subscriber information would be if we wanted to identify the account subscriber for IP 123.45.67.89 on June 17th at 11:44 p.m. We'll get subscriber name, address, probably phone and email, and usernames/pseudonyms. At present we need a General Production Order under S.487.014 to get this info. A GPO requires reasonable grounds to believe an offence has been committed, that documents or data exist and are in the possession or control of a third party not under investigation, and that those documents or data will afford evidence. Bill C-22 is going to amend this to a reasonable grounds to suspect threshold. RGS is not a new threshold; it already exists and is regularly applied in other contexts. For instance:

- I can get a 487.018 Production Order for Financial Information on Reasonable Grounds to Suspect. With this, I can get a bank to disclose simply the existence and basic information (type, currency etc) of all accounts linked to a known name, or I can provide an account number and get the account holder name. But if I want the records of transactions, copies of cheques or bank drafts, stuff like that- that's much more intrusive and I need the 487.014 General Production Order on the RG Believe threshold.

- I can get a 492.1 Tracking Warrant to put a tracking device on, say, a car or a suitcase on the Reasonable Grounds to Suspect standard. But to get the same warrant for something likely ot be worn or carried by a person, like their phone or smart watch, I have to write to the much higher Reasonable Grounds to Believe standard. With more intrusion on privacy comes a higher bar to hit.

The new proposed Production Order for Subscriber Information will be more akin to the Production Order for Financial Data that lets us confirm simply the identity and contact info of an account holder without getting transaction or other more sensitive contents. If we want more than just the basic subscriber info, we'll need to write to the higher threshold. In practical terms, this will let us more easily bridge the gap when we already have criminality but need to identify who is behind a particular user or service account.

2. What safeguards prevent these confirmation of service demands from becoming a routine fishing step before investigators have grounds for a production order?
Literally the point is to help us reach grounds for a production order. Right now, service providers will basicaly with a wink and a nod tells us 'yeah, we have a subscriber account for IP 123.45.67.89'. They generally expect us ot articulate at least some need for the info, but htere's no real legal safeguard at all.

The new Confirmation of Service Demand creates a formal legal framework. While it doesn't have to go through and be signed off by a judge or justice beforehand, we need to be prepared to show our work if challenged in court. It specifically requires that we have reasonable grounds to suspect an offence has been or will be committed, and that confirming the provision of service will assist in the investigation. And, the recipient of the demand has a right to apply to challenge it in court and isn't obligated to provide the result til that challenge is heard. So this formalizes all this and does add both some due process and some safeguards. Right now it's the wild west. The big service providers like the major telcos are quite predictable, but with other companies we might get more than we should, or they might ignore us entirely.

The point of a confirmation service is for us to them be able to say to the court in a production order application, "Bell Canada confirmed to us that they provide service to this account". A really great example of where this is important is when someone signs up for a cell phone with one company but then ports it over to another. Confirmation of service will let us get it right the first time so investigations aren't unduly delayed.

3. And the big one, which investigative problems are actually being solved here that couldn't already be addressed through existing production orders and warrants, albeit with more time and paperwork? Or is that the meat and potstos of it, just a short turn around time?
I hit on this somewhat. In some cases, like confirmation of service, right now we could get ghosted by a provider and struggle to get the necessary grounds at all. Or we may have reasonable suspicion, but not yet reasonable belief because someone has concealed their digital tracks pretty well, and that stymies us. And yes, the time spent and especially the additional layer of Production Orders to comply with Bykovets is absolutely something that can introduce critical delay.

There's some other stuff in C-22; I'm on a computer now rather than my phone so it's easier... I mentioned tracking warrants - right now, say we have a tracker on a phone or a car and the person switches phones or cars, we're hooped and need to rewrite. C-22 will give us a 'resort to' clause that lets us swap tracking to a new but substantially similar object or device. This mirrors how we can already follow a person to a new phone line if they switch up and we have a wiretap, so that's not new. Very important for, e.g., organized crime who know to switch cars or devices frequently and unpredictably.

There are also provisions that formalize how data is treated in search and seizure. That's a huge gap in statute that's fille in by case law that's developed haphazardly and isn't consistent in every jurisdiction (looking at you, B.C.). It will clarify our search and seizure authorities to extract data from devices already in our possession, which happens a lot... It's more a housekeeping thing in that respect, but helpful.

Off the top of my head those are the big ones. There's some other stuff too, smaller to the best of my recollection, but I'm getting summoned by the wife so I'm gonna leave it at that for now.
 
A simple start would be standardizing the Provincial doctors associations and nursing associations so one who is qualified to work in one province can work in every province.

Care should also be standardized where each province provides the same treatments, there is no reason someone in Nova Scotia should die from certain cancers when Ontario would have treated them.

Replied in Emergency Services.
 
You want nerd Brihard? 'Cause that's how you get nerd Brihard. Off we go...

Thank you for taking the time to write that out and explain it. It's very interesting and miraculously I understood it. The part 1 seems legitimately helpful.
 
Thank you for taking the time to write that out and explain it. It's very interesting and miraculously I understood it. The part 1 seems legitimately helpful.
No problem. They made some amendments form the earlier version that was bolted on to the borders omnibus bill, and I think those amendments made the proposed provisions more reasonable.

Part 2 on stuff like data retention and being able to actually access certain forms of data, I can’t speak to.
 
No problem. They made some amendments form the earlier version that was bolted on to the borders omnibus bill, and I think those amendments made the proposed provisions more reasonable.

Part 2 on stuff like data retention and being able to actually access certain forms of data, I can’t speak to.

I wonder what parts of this bill are causing the Liberals to try and push it through so hard. It was one of the first things the LPC jumped on when they got their majority.

Moving parts of the bills discussion behind closed doors (in camera) is also suspicious IMO. Why hide such a seemingly important bill from the public, and prevent the opposition from talking about it? These guys hardly earned a "trust us" approach.
 
I wonder what parts of this bill are causing the Liberals to try and push it through so hard. It was one of the first things the LPC jumped on when they got their majority.
Speculation: in the context of when they formed government we had the right now in our face crisis of the U.S. pretextual BS on the borders and crime. Probably they reached out to departments and asked “what are the legislative priorities law enforcement and national security have been clamouring for for a while?” and swiftly went for a bunch of it. The Godzilla bill resulted and was too big and unwieldy. Some of that survived and passed as the narrower borders/immigration bill. Other parts got reworked as the new lawful access bill.

Moving parts of the bills discussion behind closed doors (in camera) is also suspicious IMO. Why hide such a seemingly important bill from the public, and prevent the opposition from talking about it? These guys hardly earned a "trust us" approach.
Dunno. I wonder if maybe they might be hearing from national security types on more sensitive technical matters, or from reps of the major service providers on subjects that would expose security methodology and vulnerabilities? Or they could be debating substantially the same? But I don’t know and haven’t made effort to find out.
 
Snark free. So here is some breakdown from budgeting committee and contrary to what some may think (on the pro conservative side), Annette Ryan does NOT automatically back up the Liberals. Kind of scathing to be honest.

Just need my Quebecois friend to do his AI summary for me....

 
Snark free. So here is some breakdown from budgeting committee and contrary to what some may think (on the pro conservative side), Annette Ryan does NOT automatically back up the Liberals. Kind of scathing to be honest.

Just need my Quebecois friend to do his AI summary for me....

Yup.

AI ASSISTED
This video from Northern Perspective analyzes the recent testimony of Annette Ryan, the Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO) recently selected by Mark Carney, before the Government Operations and Estimates Committee (OGO). The commentary focuses on her critical assessment of the government's fiscal outlook.

Key takeaways from the testimony include:

  • Unlikely Fiscal Targets: Ryan testified that there is a less than 1% chance of the government hitting its current deficit-to-GDP fiscal anchor given the economic climate and existing spending trajectories (0:00 - 0:14, 4:00 - 5:10).
  • Economic Forecasts: The PBO highlighted that Canada is facing below-potential economic growth through 2026, contradicting government narratives of a "roaring" economy (1:20 - 1:53, 16:30 - 17:35).
  • Debt and Spending: The PBO noted that government debt service costs are rising and that it is highly probable the government will continue to introduce new spending, as is typical for their historical patterns (2:53 - 3:07, 12:00 - 12:45).
  • Inaccurate Projections: When compared to government figures, the PBO's office projected a higher deficit ($72 billion vs the government's $65 billion), largely due to the inclusion of more current information (19:06 - 19:40).
Critical Commentary:

The narrator argues that Mark Carney's handpicked budget officer is undermining his own economic narrative by confirming the lack of fiscal discipline. The video concludes that the government's economic "playbook" is failing, pointing to stagnant productivity, lack of business investment, and the country's susceptibility to global pressures as evidence of long-term policy failures (17:40 - 18:35, 24:40 - 26:36).








 
Back
Top